Divine Doctors : The Construction of the Image of Three Greek Physicians in Islamic Biographical Dictionaries of Physicians

This paper examines the way authors of three medieval Islamic biographical dictionaries portrayed the lives, behavior and characteristics of three key figures of Greco-Roman medicine, Asclepius, Hippocrates and Galen. Particular attention was given to the vocabulary and phrasing used in the biographies, and associations with other literary genres or figures. An analysis of these biographies demonstrates a significant resemblance between the portrayal of these Greco-Roman physicians and the lives of prophetic figures in Islam, and especially that of the Prophet Muḥammad. In addition, these biographies align with features attributed to pious Muslims. This study demonstrates that Muslim biographers constructed these biographies as part of a general tendency to associate medicine with Islam, and the origins of medical knowledge with prophetic wisdom. This study mantains that the connotations and use of this particular terminology allows for a positive view of the science of medicine in these Islamic compositions in which they were included.


Introduction
References to Classical Greek individuals appear in various genres of Arabic literature, including scientific texts (that is, those dealing with philosophy, mathematics, astronomy, logic and medicine) and adab lite rature.In some sources, these figures are depicted positively, while in others they appear as neutral or even negative. 2This paper focuses on the way that three Greek physicians were portrayed in biographical dictionaries of the 10 th -13 th centuries, and argues that the Muslim biographers constructed these biographies with the intention of establishing a close relationship between medicine and prophethood. 3he Arabic biographical dictionaries present several questions for the modern reader: Who was their intended audience?What was the framework within which they were written?What was the social status of the sciences among the intellectual elite?In a seminal article, Fedwa Malti-Douglas argues that the authors of the Arabic biographical dictionaries chose from a range of available material which details to include and which to omit, and that the arrangement of the material chosen was given careful consideration.Emphasis was given to particular aspects, attributes and characteristics of the subject, with the result that biografías presentan elementos atribuidos a musulmanes piadosos.Este estudio demuestra que los biógrafos musulmanes construyeron esas biografías como parte de una tendencia general a asociar la medicina con el Islam y los orígenes del saber médico con la sabiduría profética.Igualmente, sostiene que las connotaciones y el uso de esa terminología particular permite una visión positiva de la ciencia de la medicina en las obras islámicas que les dieron cabida.Palabras clave: Islam; medicina; literatura biográfica; profecía; médicos greco-romanos; mosques, but not just at these locations.In fact, most teaching took place on a private basis, with students coming to a particular teacher, usually to learn about a specific subject or treatise.Such a complex system of teaching and learning makes it hard to know what exactly was taught, or when and where. 7he attitude of rulers toward science is also complex.For instance, Michael Chamberlain's study of the relationships between various notables of Damascus between the 12 th and 14 th centuries includes several examples of teachers who maintained teaching positions in various sciences, including philosophy, natural sciences and medicine.The fact that there was no defined curriculum allowed for great flexibility, and scholars could choose their subject and materials as they pleased. 8hamberlain interprets the dismissal of teachers and criticisms of particular curricula in this social context as a part of a struggle among intellectual élites looking to preserve or increase their power, rather than as representative of disapproval of science.A similar ambiguity regarding the status of science can be seen in 10 th -century al-Andalus, 9 while Oya Pancaroğlu argues, based on a study of Kitab al-Diryaq (Book of Antidote) and its illustrations, that in 14 th -century Anatolia scholars and intellectual activity were part of the court. 10his picture of science is further complicated by the unique and ambiguous status of medicine in the three monotheistic religions.Although the theoretical basis of medicine was often considered to be Greek and Syriac, it was never situated on the same plain as other branches of science; it received only little critique, or none. 11

Choice of sources
The kind and form of information contained in Arabic biographical dictionaries make them the main source for attitudes towards science during the period during which they were written, since they contain details relating both to individual Greek medical careers and to the development of medicine in general.Other sources consulted include medical treatises, wisdom literature and works in other genres in which Greek physicians are mentioned.These sources tend to focus on the medical authority and knowledge of particular physicians, quoting sayings that are attributed to them, 12 although some accounts of personal characteristics can also be found.Such is the case with, for example, al-Biruni's Risala fi fihrist kutub Muhammad b.Zakariya al-Razi, despite its focus on chronology.Similarly, Ibn al-Nadim's Fihrist is a bio-bibliographical text, dedicated both to books and their authors.Both works use, or criticise, Ishaq b.Hunayn's treatise Ta'rikh al-Atibba', which focuses on chronology and contributions to medical knowledge, rather than on the traits of individual doctors.This treatise serves as the starting point for this study. 13Another important source is al-Sijistani's Siwan al-Hikma, which belongs to the wisdom literature genre.Some of the anecdotes recorded in it can be used for illuminating the physicians' characters. 14On the other hand, Tabaqat al-Umam by Sa,id al-Andalusi (d.1070) discusses the various sciences and the transmission of science throughout generations and between nations.Medicine, however, he only mentions briefly, as he is more interested in philosophy and astronomy (being an astronomer himself).In the short paragraph devoted to medicine, al-Andalusi mentions Hippocrates and Galen as important physicians, and when they lived. 15everal biographical dictionaries dedicated to practitioners of science appeared between the 10 th and the 13 th centuries, in various geographic regions.The five most significant are Ibn Juljul's (944-after 994, in al-Andalus) Kitab Tabaqat al-Atibba ' wa-l-Hukama'; Ibn al-Qifti's (1172-1248, in Aleppo) Ikhbar al-,Ulama' bi-Akhbar al-Hukama'; Ibn Abi Usaybi,a's (1203-1270, in Cairo) ,Uyun al-Anba ' fi  Tabaqat al-Atibba'; al-Bayhaqi's (d.1170) Ta'rikh Hukama' al-Islam; and al-Shahrazuri's (13 th century) Nuzhat al-Arwah wa-Rawdat al-Afrah. 16The last two of these, however, consist mainly of wisdom sayings, and are less "biographical" in nature; Bayhaqi's dictionary in particular does not discuss early physicians, but starts with Hunayn b.Ishaq in the Islamic period, and then his son and followers.Earlier physicians, such as Galen, may be mentioned, but they do not receive their own entry. 17Thus, the three main sources for the individual characteristics of Greek doctors are Ibn Abi Usaybi,a, Ibn al-Qifti and Ibn Juljul.
Ibn Juljul was the personal physician of the Umayyad ruler al-Mu'ayyad bi-llah Hisham (r.977-1009).He dedicated his dictionary to physicians, divided into chronological tabaqat, or layers. 18It is hard to judge what motivated Ibn Juljul to write his dictionary.According to Balty-Guesdon, it was composed as a critique of the Amirid regime. 19owever, such a critique does not appear as the focus of this book.Álvarez Millán, on the other hand, argues that Ibn Juljul wished to exhibit his medical knowledge. 20Ibn al-Qifti was a judge and an administrator in Aleppo, and his dictionary includes scholars from all avenues of science, including arithmetic, astronomy, philosophy, medicine, and astrology. 21He mentions Ibn Juljul as one of his sources, and cites or summarises parts of his dictionary.The author of the third dictionary, Ibn Abi Usaybi,a, was a physician in the Nuri hospital in Damascus and the Nasiri hospital in Cairo.He quotes Ibn Juljul and Ibn al-Qifti; in fact, large parts of his book were copied from Ibn al-Qifti's dictionary. 22he three dictionaries thus relate to one another in terms of materials and sources.Their authors also refer to similar medical and historical sources, such as treatises by Galen and Hippocrates, Abu Ma,shar's Kitab al-Uluf, and al-Sijistani's Siwan al-Hikma. 23Nevertheless, the three biographies also differ significantly from one another, both in terms of content and of structure.Each author chose to include and exclude specific material, while the structure of the biographies in each dictionary has implications for the arrangement of the information and the way in which it is to be understood.Rather than reproducing the same biographies, each composition has its own constructions and emphases.
Despite their distinct structures, all three dictionaries begin with the question of the origins of medicine, suggesting an interest in describing the development of medicine from its first appearance up to the time of each author.Ibn Juljul constructed his dictionary chronologically, according to the tabaqat of his biographical subjects.His first entry is dedicated to Hermes, who is presented as the prophet of science, 24 followed by two other figures also called Hermes, 25 and then Asclepius.These four figures constitute the first tabaqa of people who discussed medicine and philosophy, and form a narrative of the transmission of medical science to humankind and to Muslims. 26Ibn al-Qifti's dictionary, by contrast, is organised in alphabetical order, and he begins by stating that he intends to discuss whoever has practiced science (unlike Ibn Juljul and Ibn Abi Usaybi,a, who dedicated their dictionaries to medicine alone).However, by identifying Hermes with the Arabic name of Idris, Ibn al-Qifti is able to discuss the biography of Hermes-Idris' and the origins of medicine at the beginning of his book while main-taining alphabetical order. 27Like Ibn Juljul, Ibn Abi Usaybi,a also arranges his biographies alphabetically, and he shows a deep interest in the question of the origin of medical knowledge.Ibn Abi Usaybi,a regarded this kind of knowledge as having a divine source, and some of his introduction and most of his biography of Asclepius is dedicated to this subject. 28

Biographical dictionaries and Greek physicians
The biographical dictionaries elaborate not only on the individuals who cultivated medicine, but also on the process that allowed humans to discover the art of medicine.The authors suggest several possibilities, but judge the most likely process to have been a transmission through a chain of eight important physicians, beginning with Asclepius and ending with Galen.This story is traced back to the treatise of Ishaq b.Hunayn, who in turn places its origin with Yahyà al-Nahwi, who probably lived in early seventh-century Alexandria and whose identity is unclear. 29Three of these eight names are of special significance: Asclepius, Hippocrates (the seventh name on the list) and Galen.They have detailed biographies in the dictionaries, and are depicted as "round" characters with Islamic religious and moral characteristics.By contrast, three other names, Asclepius II, Ghuras and Minus, have not yet been identified by modern scholarship, and the biographical dictionaries give only a few details about them.Two more figures, Plato and Parmenides, are better known as philosophers, and they are rarely described as physi-42 KEREN ABBOU HERSHKOVITS, ZOHAR HADROMI-ALLOUCHE Al-Qantara XXXIV 1, 2013, pp.35-63 ISSN 0211-3589 doi: 10.3989/alqantara.2013.002   Ibn Juljul and Ibn Abi Usaybi,a both discuss the identification of "Hermes" with Idris (taken to be the Arabic form of the name) and Enoch (the Hebrew form).
28 Ibn Abi Usaybi,a, ,Uyun al-Anba', pp.15-19. 29Rosenthal, "Ishaq b.Hunayn's Ta'riḫ al-Atibba'".For a slight variation on this list see also al-Shahrazuri, Nuzhat al-Arwah, p. 274.The source for this story remains unclear.Whereas Rosenthal, for instance, accepts that the source was an Alexandrian Christian of the sixth century, Zimmerman argues that the story demonstrates a need to place medical knowledge within the timeline of monotheism.Such a need, he argues, was not a common interest in sixth-century Alexandria.Zimmermann, "The Chronology of Ishaq Ibn Hunayn".
A similar theme appears in the illustrated epistle Kitab al-Diryaq, the author and the time of writing of which are not clear.It is currently argued that it was written by an anonymous author in 10 th -century Baghdad.As the text remains in manuscript form only we were unable to see it.The introduction of the book mentions nine important physicians who made significant contributions to the development of antidotes.The names on this list differ from the "list of the eight" (although Galen, for example, appears in both).Pancaroglu, "Socializing Medicine".cians elsewhere.The biographical dictionaries do not elaborate on them, and give no specific details about their religious or moral behavior, and in some cases they do not even have a dedicated entry. 30This exclusion seems to have been a deliberate choice, since the authors could have drawn on Greek biographies for details that could serve to depict moral figures.It seems that in their effort to situate medicine within an Islamic framework, the authors of the dictionaries chose to avoid discussing religiously-problematic issues such as philosophy. 31e intend to show that the authors' construction of the origin of medicine demonstrates a particular approach to the cultivation of science and medicine and to intellectual discourse regarding the validity of scientific knowledge.Further, an analysis shows that this construction and this discourse represent an attempt to interpret the position of science in general and of medicine in particular for an Islamic society.In other words, they give the authors' point of view regarding knowledge and its possible origins.Once the origin is constructed, the story is developed within an Islamic framework.

Usage and meaning of Islamic and prophetic language
The proximity of medicine to prophecy is not a unique perspective of Muslim writers; according to a statement attributed to Hippocrates, "Medicine and prophesy are very closely related, since of the two arts Apollo is the single father." 32In Islamic biographical dictionaries, proximity is created through the use of religious language in the biogra-  ', p. 68).We hope to further investigate the whole list in a future study.
31 For Greek philosophers in Islam see for example, Alon, Socrates in Medieval Arabic Literature. 32Jouanna, however, notes that this statement probably dates from a later time, since Asclepian healing, which included working miracles, did not accord with the Hippocratic principle of diagnosis through observation and logic.Jouanna, Hippocrate, pp.3-25.A similar idea can also be found in Christian communities, where Hippocrates is regarded as a man, but a special one: as God Almighty saw the difficulty that humans were facing, He brought Hippocrates to the light.For further elaboration on this issue and the conception of medicine as prophecy see: Crisciani, "History, Novelty, and Progress".We would like to thank Naama Cohen for pointing out the importance of this paper.phies of the three Greek doctors.Although the authors of these dictionaries do not claim that the physicians themselves were Muslims, the language used is distinctively Islamic, and the terms used associate these doctors with prophetic characteristics and figures, including the Prophet Muhammad himself.

Sources of knowledge
According to all three dictionaries under consideration, Asclepius' knowledge stemmed from revelation: ilham and wahy. 33This terminology at once echoes the Greek myth of Asclepius as learning medicine from divine beings, while also locating Asclepius in an Islamic context: the term wahy specifically denotes divine inspiration, and is usually used in the context of the revelation of the Qur'an to Muhammad and other prophets. 34This is clearly stated in al-Shahrazuri, who describes Asclepius as "al-Nabi al-Hakim" -the prophet-physician.Al-Shahrazuri further comments, however, that Asclepius found the knowledge of medicine in a temple of the sun.This comment seems to relate to the Greek view that medicine originated with the sun-god Apollo.It might also echo the idea of knowledge as buried treasure, as discussed below. 35sclepius is also described by Ibn Abi Usaybi,a as a messenger of God whose mission is to teach humanity medicine: ba,athahu Allah fa-,allama al-nas al-tibb 36 -not unlike prophets whom God sends to teach humanity about religion.Ibn Juljul's concluding remark links Asclepius -as well as medicine -with prophethood in the Muslim context: All the information that I have quoted earlier demonstrates that the beginning of the study of medicine and philosophy was in revelation and God-given inspiration (wahyan wa-ilhaman) 37 However, Asclepius also had a teacher, named Hermes.While Ibn Juljul and al-Shahrazuri identify this teacher as Hermes the Egyptian, 38 Ibn al-Qifti and Ibn Abi Usaybi,a argue that this teacher was the first Hermes. 39This particular Hermes is identified with the Qur'anic prophet Idris, and with the antediluvian Biblical figure of Enoch son of Jared.According both to Ibn al-Qifti and to Ibn Abi Usaybi,a, 40 Hermes/Idris was the source of all scientific knowledge.He was the first to cultivate medicine and other sciences, and he received his knowledge through revelation. 41However, whereas Ibn Juljul refers to Hermes as the prophet of science, 42 Ibn Nadim refers to Hermes only as the author of books in astronomy.This indicates that a close relation between prophethood and medicine, or with sciences in general, is not selfevident from the biographies of the three doctors. 43Further, Ibn Abi Usaybi,a is not clear as regards whether the revelation was received by Asclepius or by Hermes. 44imilarly, Hippocrates' sources of knowledge, as the seventh link in the chain, are also not very clear.All three authors, as well as al-Shahrazuri, agree that medical knowledge was transmitted through the family of Asclepius, and was restricted to his family.For this reason, probably, the biographies discuss the relationship of Hippocrates to Asclepius -the first link of the chain -and, consequently, to antediluvian knowledge.While according to Ibn Juljul, Hippocrates was of the family of Asclepius, 45 Ibn al-Qifti argues that this could not have been the case, since Asclepius lived before the Flood, of which only the descendants of Noah survived.Therefore none of the descendants of Asclepius could have survived, and Hippocrates was instead the disciple of Heracles, and a descendant of Asclepius II. 46Al-Mubashshir b. al-Fatiq solved the problem in an interesting way, stating that Hippocrates was a descendant of the first Asclepius, but his teacher was Asclepius II. 47Ibn Abi Usaybi,a suggests another possibility, according to which Hippocrates was a descendant of Asclepius through his paternal lineage and of Heracles from his maternal lineage; he received his medical knowledge from his father. 48he association between Hippocrates and Asclepius, and especially the attribution of the knowledge of Hippocrates to an antediluvian source, perhaps parallels the general interest of religious scholars (,ulama') in knowledge as treasure, buried books and waiting-to-be-discovered prophecies. 49For example, in the hadith literature we find that during the occupation of Tustar the Muslim soldiers found the grave of the Prophet Daniel, with his preserved body and a book of Muslim history.Similarly, it is said that in Wadi al-Qura the Muslims found under a stone the body of al-Harith b.Shu,ayb al-Ghassani, the messenger of the prophet Shu,ayb to the people of Midian, again buried with a book. 50alen's education is much clearer.The authors of the dictionaries had fewer disagreements in this matter, possibly because Galen himself left detailed autobiographical information. 51The biographies discuss his teachers and the subject-matter of his education: mathematics, phi- 48 Ibn Abi Usaybi,a, ,Uyun al-Anba', p. 24. 49Yucesoy, "Translation as Self-Consciousness", p. 16. 50Wadi al-Qura ('the wadi of villages') -a region of several valleys in Northern Hijaz.It is said that in ancient times this area was inhabited by the people of ,Ad and Thamud.Lecker, "Wadi l-Kura", EI 2 ,vol. 11,pp. 1,[381][382]p. 12,[383][384] All of our information about Galen comes from this own writing.However, Nutton argues that despite the total silence about Galen among Latin medical writers before the fifth century, his importance in the Greek part of the Roman Empire, both as a philosopher and as a doctor, is testified to through the few references to him made by his contemporaries, losophy, logic, and medicine.They also discuss at length his love of knowledge and learning and his vast acquaintance with various disciplines, and they mention that he traveled in pursuit of medical knowledge and herbs.When Ibn Abi Usaybi,a and al-Shahrazuri say in this context that Galen safara fi talab al-,ilm, they use the same phrase that is usually used to describe the travels of hadith scholars in search of Muhammad's prophetic traditions.52

Attributed characteristics and actions
As a person, Asclepius is portrayed as having qualities that accord with the Islamic model of appropriate behavior.He is depicted as having his own way (sira) of purity, an allusion to the sira (biography, way of life) of the prophet Muhammad, and the traits ascribed to him -humility, piety, morality, purity of nature, staying away from evil, and fear of God -identify him as pure, moral and pious as according to Islamic criteria. 53According to al-Shahrazuri, during Asclepius's visit to Persia, a group of people asked for his advice.He reproached them for preferring this world to the hereafter, and urged them to listen to the preaching of the messenger of God, Idris. 54This description adds a Sufi touch to his image, and has him acknowledge the priority of prophecy over medicine.Another title that is bestowed upon him is imam al-tibb, which is reminiscent of the religious function of the leader of prayer (imam al-salat) in Islam. 55sclepius is also said to have had a spiritual (ruhani) birth.This, along with God's words to him, that He would rather call him an angel than a human being, echoes the deification of Asclepius in Greek sources. 56In the Muslim context, however, this motif is given a monotheistic interpretation: once his birth is depicted as "spiritual", Asclepius is located as closer to Jesus than to Apollo; and rather than join the Olympic pantheon, he is associated with the angels.Al-Biruni (d.1048) also mentions the possibility that medicine was the result of prophecy, though he does not use the word wahy, only ilham. 57Another possibility raised by al-Biruni is that Asclepius was Adam's son, and that Adam was the source of Asclepius' medical knowledge.
The end of Asclepius' life is as obscure as his origin.It is agreed by all three authors, as well as al-Shahrazuri and al-Biruni, that he never died, but was raised to heaven by God (Allah ta,ala rafa,ahu) in a column of light: ,amud min al-nur. 58This description alludes to the thunderbolt that Zeus used to kill Asclepius (or, according to other versions, to turn him into a god), 59 but an additional monotheistic connotation is the column of fire that accompanied the children of Israel in the desert (Exodus 13:21-22).Manzalaoui further points out the parallel between the ascension of Asclepius and the ascensions both of Jesus (who, according to the Qur'an, was not crucified, but raised by God to heaven) 60 and Heracles, who "rose from a funeral pyre to heaven." 61he identification of Enoch-Idris-Hermes as the teacher of Asclepius is also of interest in this context since, according to Gen. 5:24, Enoch also never died but was "taken by God" to heaven. 62Similarly, according to the Qur'an Idris did not die but was "raised to a high place". 63his identification thus also contributes to the location of Asclepius -and his teacher -in an Islamic context.
Ibn Juljul attributes to Galen the statement that whoever wishes to learn Hippocrates' knowledge (man talaba ,ilm buqarat) must follow his example in doing good and wishing for good virtues, as well as moving away from villainy (fal-ya,takhidh hadhwahu fi l-fadl wa-lraghb fi l-fadila wa-tajannub al-radhila).Similarly, al-Sijistani records Hippocrates' command to his students to do good to people (istina, alma,ruf ilayhim).Both thematically and literally, these sayings connote with one of the most fundamental laws of Islam, that of "commanding the good and forbidding evil". 64ost telling is the single anecdote that is attached to his biography, and which appears in all three dictionaries.According to this anecdote, Hippocrates admitted to his students that "I do like fornication; however, I control my urge." 65This episode seems surprising at first.However, it is reminiscent of a quite prominent story in the hadith literature about the personal demon (shaytan) of the Prophet Muhammad.According to this story, the Prophet Muhammad said that all human beings have a demon (shaytan).When asked about himself, the Prophet confirmed that he, too, had a demon; however, with the help of God, he overcame it, and it eventually converted to Islam. 66These anecdotes respectively glorify the characters of Hippocrates and Muhammad; by overcoming a weakness, both individuals demonstrate their moral su-periority and spiritual strength.According to Ibn Juljul, the story about Hippocrates demonstrates his merits and moral standing. 67ippocrates is also depicted as an ascetic (nasikan), demonstrated, for example, through al-Shahrazuri's description of him as a person who withdrew from the world (tazahhada) and frequently fasted. 68Furthermore, he is described as a well-known, quick-witted imam (imam fahim ma,ruf), 69 an outstanding and even a divine person (fadilan muta'allihan). 70The inclusion of this last epithet in an Islamic context seems surprising, since in Islam even the Prophet Muhammad is regarded as no more than a human being: a perfect man (al-insan alkamil), but not divine.Therefore, it is likely that this epithet of Hippocrates reflects references to him in the Greek sources as "the divine Hippocrates".
Further, Hippocrates is said to have refrained from any interaction with royalty.He refused to treat the Persian ruler, who was the enemy of the Greeks, and rejected the latter's offers of generous gifts.Hippocrates did agree, however, to treat two Greek kings, whose behavior was moral (hasanay al-sira); once they were healed, he left the court. 71The use of the pregnant term sira in this context again seems to imply to the life of the Prophet Muhammad (sirat al-rasul).A somewhat different (although not necessarily contradictive) approach is represented through a statement that is recorded by both al-Shahrazuri and al-Sijistani, claiming that Hippocrates used to charge fees only from rich people. 72 similar trait is attributed to Galen, the eighth and final physician in the chain.He, too, is said to never have taken anything from kings: wa-lam ya'khudh min ahad min al-muluk shay'an wa-la wakalahum wa-la dakhalahum. 73However, according to his own writings, Galen did accept presents, although he does say that he did not ask to be paid for his services.Moreover, he also served the Emperor Marcus Aurelius and his family.This discrepancy is thus an example of how the authors of the dictionaries used a transmitted detail and gave it an Islamic interpretation, perhaps in an attempt to create a correlation between the biographies of Galen and Hippocrates.The trait attributed to Galen is also characteristic of many ,ulama', who refused official appointments and royal presents, so as to preserve their independence and avoid compromising their beliefs; the companions of kings were considered morally corrupted. 74Galen is thus painted in the colors of Islamic piety, as a person who shuns rulers.
Galen is also referred to as khatim al-atibba' -the seal of the doctors. 75He is also thus described by Mubashshir b.Fatiq. 76This phrase echoes khatim al-anbiya', the seal of the prophets, which is an epithet of the Prophet Muhammad 77 probably derived from Q 33:40, where the Prophet is called khatim al-nabiyyin, the last prophet in the chain of prophets. 78As we have seen, the biographical dictionaries consider Asclepius, Hippocrates and Galen to be part of a list of eight doctors, each important for his own time.However, the followers of each doctor corrupted the knowledge that was imparted to them, and almost brought medicine to destruction, until the next great physician appeared. 79As the final link in the chain, Galen brought medicine to perfection.
Muhammad, who is the last prophet in the chain of prophets, is considered as al-insan al-kamil, the perfect human being who corrected the revelation of his predecessors and whose message cannot be corrected any further.
Other epithets given to Galen also allude to terms that relate to the Prophet Muhammad, such as imam al-atibba', 80 which parallels imam al-mursilin -the leader of prayer for the messengers of God (Muhammad's role on the Day of Judgment). 81It is also said that during his Nocturnal Journey (al-isra') the Prophet was the imam of the prophets and messengers (salla bi-l-nabiyyin wa-l-mursilin imaman). 82The description of Galen as holding the key of medicine-miftah al-tibb 83 -connotes the description of the Prophet Muhammad as holding the keys to the treasures of the world -mafatih khaza'in al-ard /al-dunya. 84bn Abi Usaybi,a also relates the story of how Galen became a doctor, based on Galen's own writings. 85Galen was first dedicated by his father to study mathematics, then philosophy and logic; but Galen's father then had a dream (ru'ya), in which he was instructed to give Galen a medical education. 86Ibn Abi Usaybi,a's choice of words in retelling the story is quite meaningful, as dreams often serve as literary and theological tools. 87The word "ru'ya", in addition to meaning "a dream", can also mean "a vision", or "a divine revelation". 88Thus, the inclusion of this story and this term in the Islamic biography of Galen contributes to the reconstruction of Galen's image as an Islamic figure, draws attention to the vocational nature of Galen's occupation, and empha-sises the proximity between divine mission and the medical profession in general.
Finally, all three dictionaries claim that Galen was a contemporary of Jesus, whereas according to al-Shahrazuri, Galen lived two hundred years after Jesus. 89The dictionaries even add that Galen gave Jesus an oath of allegiance (bay,a).Al-Bayhaqi records this story in the biography of a physician named Abu l-Faraj.The latter considered himself to be a descendant of Paul the Apostle.Paul, according to this anecdote, was Galen's nephew, the son of Galen's sister.When Jesus was sent to earth, Galen was too old to go to see him.Thus he sent Paul to Jesus with a letter, in which Galen gave Jesus a bay,a, acknowledged his prophetic status, and asked Jesus to heal Paul's soul.As a result, Paul became one of the disciples. 90he term bay,a appears, for example, in reports about Arab tribes who accepted Islam and gave the Prophet Muhammad an oath of allegiance.The parallel is further emphasised by Islam's recognition of Jesus as a prophet.As well as acknowledging Jesus' powers of spiritual healing, this anecdote demonstrates the submission of medicine to Islam.A similar idea can be detected in an anecdote recorded by Al-Shahrazuri in reference to Asclepius' visit to Persia.Here, too, medical knowledge is presented as secondary to the teaching of the religious messenger. 91he correspondence between Galen and Jesus situates Galen as part of a monotheistic world, having a unique association with an important prophet.Though not much is said about Galen, in terms of his moral behavior or religious beliefs, al-Bayhaqi's anecdote clearly presents him as a believer in Jesus' message.Moreover, part of their correspondence relates to the role of physicians; according to Jesus, physicians are needed to preserve the health of the believers.At the same time, Galen is not capable of healing his nephew Paul; but by acknowledging Jesus' power, and his greater skills, a sort of bay,a is achieved. 92his claim contradicts the writings of Galen himself, with which the Muslim authors were well acquainted.Zimmerman suggests that the association of Galen with the time of Jesus should not be understood literally; rather, it should be related to the concept of the chain of doctors, which, as we have seen, correlates with the Islamic idea of the chain of prophets, silsilat al-anbiya': with Asclepius (the first doctor) as a contemporary of Adam (the first prophet) and Galen (the seal of the doctors) as the contemporary of Jesus (the last prophet before Muhammad and a significant prophet, who brought a book).In this way a historical framework is created through which medicine and monotheism can be correlated. 93Zimmerman's interpretation is further supported by a frequently-made distinction in which Moses lived in an age of magic, and therefore his miracles were magical in character; Jesus lived in an age of medicine, and therefore his miracles were to do with medicine; and Muhammad lived in an age of rhetoric, thus his miracle (the Qur'an) was one of rhetoric. 94

Greek physicians, Muslim biographies
Once transmitted and translated, texts go through transformations.The biographies discussed in this paper illustrate this process, and also tell us a story.It is here argued that these biographies of Greek physicians should be read as elements of a narrative that describes the story of science: where science originated, when was it first cultivated, and its position vis-à-vis other branches of knowledge.Though we are not in a position to construct the whole narrative, it is evident that the Islamic biographies of Greek physicians are different from Islamic biographies of other Greek scholars.We do not encounter attempts to associate astronomers 95 with prophets, or with monotheism.There is almost no other Greek scholar whose lifetime is measured against Adam or any other religious figure . 96Even among physicians these three figures are represented in a distinct way by the authors of the biographical dictionaries.
By inserting particular details and omitting others, the authors of the three dictionaries created narratives that reflected the way in which each perceived medicine and its sources, which they associated with antediluvian prophecy.This affiliation bestows credibility and gives authority to medical knowledge.At the same time, the authors make a statement about the possibilities open to humankind in the search of valid knowledge while also associating the knowledge and practice of medicine with the proper Islamic way of life.
These features are further enhanced by characteristics and traits associated with each physician.The choices made by the authors with regard to what to include and the order in which the material is presented gives the physicians a particular image, as well as specific expectations about knowledge, behavior, and morals.The authors used models borrowed from the monotheistic Islamic world, models that their audiences could probably recognise and with which they could identify.
One might ask about the motivations that led the authors to portray medicine and Greek physicians in such a manner.Were they facing critiques that threatened the practice of medicine?Was the list of eight physicians a well-established narrative regarding medicine that these late sources were just repeating?It seems that the answer to both suggestions is: "well, not exactly".
Of all branches of science, medicine faced least criticism during this period. 97Therefore, it seems that there was not much of a need to answer a critique or to formulate apologetics.Nor was this portrayal of medicine a well-established narrative.Christian sources, for instance, had a different approach to Greek medicine and to medical figures.Asclepius and his order were considered to be competitors of Christian healing, and were highly criticised. 98What might be considered as the Islamic equivalent of Christian healing is tibb al-nabi (prophetic medicine); that is, medical treatment based on Muhammad's sayings.-Qantara XXXIV 1, 2013, pp.35-63 ISSN 0211-3589 doi: 10.3989/alqantara.2013.002   One fascinating example is al-Ghazali's approach to medicine.Al-Ghazali, who was most identified with the exclusion of the ancient sciences from the madaris, nevertheless accepted medicine and associated it with divine guidance.Furthermore, according to Menn, al-Ghazali himself (al-Munqidh) used Galen's autobiography as a model when he came to write his own autobiography.Menn, "Intellectual Autobiography", pp.141-191. 98Temkin, Hippocrates, p. 70 ff.For Pagan arguments for the divinity of medicine see also: Menn, "Intellectual Autobiography", f.n.33.However, Irmeli Perho, who has examined the development of this genre, its sources and motivations, argues that its aim was "to transfer the medical authority from Galen to the Prophet.But […] not to discard Galen or deny the merits of Graeco-Islamic medicine." 99Furthermore, the most structured texts dealing with the Prophet's medicine, presenting principles and suggesting remedies according to the Prophet's sayings, date from the latter part of the 13 th and 14 th centuries, a period later than the texts under examination in this paper.It is indeed possible that the presentation and representation of these three Greek physicians in the biographical dictionaries is in fact part of a general interest in associating medical knowledge with Islam in terms of both chronology and actual figures, and that this interest was out of necessity.Thus such biographies should not be regarded as signs of that the cultivation of science was being rejected or was under criticism.Rather, they should be read and analysed within the context of the search for the origin of medical knowledge, and the Islamic relation to these sources.

Al
Sarah Stroumsa argues that "freethinkers" such as the theologian Ibn al-Rawandi (d. in the 9 th century) and the philosopher Abu Bakr al-Razi (d.circa 925), responding to the "central importance of prophecy in Islam" rejected divine revelation and the theme of prophethood altogether.They argued that human intellect is the "source for all knowledge".Stroumsa argues that such radical views emerged as "a typically Islamic phenomenon".For her, this rejection is the main characteristic of the views of these two thinkers.Stroumsa also discusses the influence of these claims on later generations in Islam. 100We would therefore like to suggest that texts such as the biographies aimed to respond to such claims, through confirming the divine, revelatory and even prophetic source of medical knowledge, thus reassuring readers of the significance of prophethood.Turning the Greek doctors into part of the Islamic heritage and context would suit such intra-Islamic discussion.
A similar view was held by al-Biruni (973-c.1050).In his Risala, he quotes passages from Galen's treatises, describing both Asclepius DIVINE DOCTORS: THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE IMAGE OF THREE GREEK PHYSICIANS Al-Qantara XXXIV 1, 2013, pp.35-63 ISSN 0211-3589 doi: 10.3989/alqantara.2013.002and Dionysius as having been turned by God into angels due to their knowledge: Asclepius in medicine, and Dionysius in wine-making.Such a reference seems unusual in an Islamic context.It might be that al-Biruni included it in his book in order to eliminate the relationship between medicine and religion, as his view was that medical knowledge evolves from the human mind. 101bn Mutran (d.1191, Egypt), the court physician of Salah al-Din, also rejects the notion that medicine originated in prophecy.In his Bustan al-Atibba' he regards the view that the medical profession emerged through revelation and inspiration as a mistake (khat').For him, this is an underestimation of the human minds that produced this knowledge. 102ther narratives also prevailed among Muslim scholars concerning the origins of medicine.These narratives situated medicine in varied places and periods, or associated the beginning of medicine with figures other than the Greek physicians. 103In addition, some medieval scholars had a different image of Galen and his medical knowledge, and one can find some harsh criticism against his philosophical and medical treatises. 104

Summary
In this paper we have presented the biographies of three Greek physicians in Islamic biographical dictionaries.We suggested that the contents of these biographies could have been influenced by Greek 101 Al-Biruni, Risala fi fihrist, pp.25-26. 102Ibn al-Mutran, Kitab Bustan, p. 33. 103A significant example is the Arab doctor, al-Harith b.Kalada, who lived in the time of the Prophet Muhammad.See: Hawting, "The Development of the Biography", pp.127-137.In her entry on Tibb in EI 2 (p.451-460), Emilie Savage Smith argues that the story of Ibn Kalada is evidence of the great need of later Muslims to associate the use of medicine with the Prophet and his actions.Ibn Abi Usaybi,a for instance, mentions various possible sources for medicine, before discussing the possibility that Idris/Hermes was the first to cultivate medicine.Ibn Abi Usaybi,a, ,Uyun al-Anba', pp.15-19. 104 There are three well-known critics of Galen: Alexander of Aphrodesia (who criticised Galen for his philosophical arguments, but praised him for his medical knowledge); al-Razi (d.925), whose Kitab al-Shukuk ,ala Jalinus awaits a study; and Maimonides.Chapter 25 of his Pirkei Moshe Bi-Refua is dedicated to demonstrating the contradictions in Galen's medical treatises.Maimonides argues that if Galen had these many contradictions in a subject which is supposedly his expertise, other fields that he wrote about are by far less reliable.Maimonides, Pirkei Moshe Bi-Refua.Al-Qantara XXXIV 1, 2013, pp.35-63 ISSN 0211-3589 doi: 10.3989/alqantara.2013.002and/or Syriac sources that the authors of the dictionaries might have worked with.However, both the construction and the interpretation of these biographies represent an attempt to incorporate these Greek physicians into an Islamic framework. 105n our understanding, the construction of these biographies demonstrates how medicine was conceptualised by the authors; as a part of Islamic knowledge and of monotheistic history.It also illuminates some concealed assumptions about the way in which knowledge should be acquired and transmitted.The texts suggest that medicine should be thought about and practiced by individuals who are religiously and morally worthy; through the use of Islamic terminology in narrating the transmission of medical knowledge to humanity and to Muslims, an Islamic context has been created.This process of "Islamising" medicine enabled the incorporation of medicine into the Muslim world not only by practice, but also by nature.
It is still difficult to determine whether the association of moral behavior was part of the Islamic narrative of the transmission of medical knowledge in the 12 th and 13 th centuries; could it be that the social context of the authors inspired such a view of medicine?Or maybe it was a distinct characteristic of these particular three figures?In order to establish whether this was the case, it is necessary to study the five other physicians that appear in the "list of the eight", and the qualities that are ascribed to them.Such a study will also provide some insights into the place of the history of medicine within a general study of the transmission of knowledge.
105 Another interpretation that needs to be studied thoroughly is that the presentation of these doctors in a monotheistic religious light and the idea that medicine is a divine gift evolve from the perception of Jesus as a miraculous healer.This view of Jesus is found in Christianity as well as in Islam.In the Dala'il al-Nubuwwa (proofs of Muhammad's prophethood) literature, stories can be found that relate to Muhammad's similar characteristics.

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DOCTORS: THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE IMAGE OF THREE GREEK PHYSICIANS Al-Qantara XXXIV 1, 2013, pp.35-63 ISSN 0211-3589 doi: 10.3989/alqantara.2013.002 30E.g., Ibn al-Qifti has no entry on Parmenides.His entry on Plato is considerably more developed than the entries in the other dictionaries, although it focuses only on Plato's contribution to philosophy (Ibn al-Qifti, Ikhbar al-,Ulama
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