How did Islam contribute to change the legal status of women: The case of the jawārī or the Female Slaves

This article studies the transformations which took place in the legal status of slave women (jawārī), as a consequence of the spread of Islam among Arabs. The author analyzes religious, historical and social factors including the change of criteria in regard to war booty sharing, treatment of war prisoners, the introduction of the concept of umm al-walad, etc. The social impact of these transformations on slave women and on the families they belonged to, are also part of the focus of analysis.

But once the Muslim conquests had ceased, and there was no longer an active source of slaves, the numbers began to dwindle.At the same time, Muslim societies continued to thrive and the need for slaves grew more acute, as did in particular the need for female slaves.
The Islamic sharê'a, the religious law of Islam, had authorized the slave master who had possessed female slaves to have sexual relations with any one of them without any religious or social commitment on his part.
Female slaves apparently filled a void in the sexual life of the Muslim man, since the Arab woman, or the Oriental one, bound as she was by conservative traditions and a complicated system of values of dignity and rules of modesty, could not give her husband what the female slave could.

I
The repeated tribal raids during the period of al-j×hiliyya which preceded the advent of Islam, were an important source of providing prisoners of war who automatically became slaves of their captors.They could not restore their freedom without paying a convenient ransom, without which they could lose their freedom for ever, unless their captor would release them as an act of grace (ex gratia). 1 As to the female captives, the warriors of the raiding tribe used to divide them among each other; 2 in the very moment the female captive was delivered, she became his own slave, and he would have the right to practice sexual intercourse with her, and take her as his concubine or surriyya, whether she was a married or not married Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXVIII 2, julio-diciembre 2007, pp.383-408 ISSN 0211-3589 384 KHALIL 'ATHAMINA 1 The poem of the j×hilê poet 'Amr b.Kulthùm makes it clear that taking prisoners was the main goal sought in that raids, the verse says: fa-×bù bi l-nih×bi wa-bi l-sab×y×, wa-ubna bi l-mulùki muóaffadêna.They returned back with full hands of spoils and prisoners of war, but we returned back guiding bound kings as our prisoners of war.See verse n.º 66 of the poem in al-Tabrizê, Sharç al-mu'allaq×t, ed.M. M. •ij×zê, Cairo, 1939, 231.
2 Abù 'Ubayda, Naq×'id Jarêr wa-al-Farazdaq, A.A. Beavan (ed.), Leiden, 1905, 241. 3 Sexual intercourse was considered legal according to the rules of war in the j×hiliyya, the verse of al-Farazdaq stands evident for that.The verse reads: wa-dh×ti halilên ankathn× rim×hun× halalan li-man yabnê bih× lam tu÷allaqi.Our spears made it permitted to make sexual relation with a still married woman without being divorced.See Diw×n al-Farazdaq, Beirut, 1987, II, 38.See also a poem of a contemporary poet with al-Farazdaq, in which he confirms that taking female prisoners by means of force, makes woman. 3Sexual relations could take place regardless of the possibility of whether or not the female captive would be ransomed and returned to her tribe. 4t should be pointed out that the release of the female prisoners in exchange for a material ransom was not a foregone conclusion, and many such female prisoners became their captors' permanent slaves. 5here were also cases in which the captors did not wish to keep them and preferred to sell them to others. 6For this purpose, the female prisoners were led to seasonal marketplaces which were held throughout the year in various parts of the Arabian peninsula. 7The practice of trading in male and female slaves was so prestigious and prevalent that even the Meccan aristocracy did not scorn it.The outstanding example of this was 'Abdull×h b.Jud'×n, the rich and famous Meccan aristocrat leader, who amassed a fortune from his profession as nakhkh×s, or slave trader. 8he "clientele" of these female slaves must certainly have been affluent and came from among urban and tribal aristocracy, who bought female slaves for sexual purposes, and to whom these slaves consequently bore sons.Muçammad b. •abêb cites two lists of Meccan and tribal aristocrats who were born to Christian Greek slave women and to slave women from Ethiopia. 9 child born to a foreign mother of non-Arab origin was not a free citizen, he beared the epithet hajên.Such a child was not legally recognized as a legitimate son and was not entitled to his share of his father's inheritance.10 One of the most outstanding representatives of it legal to practice sexual relation by her captor.A line of verse reads as follows: Fa-m× ankahùn× ÷a'i'êna ban ×tahum./ Wa l-×kin nakah×nh× bi-asy×fin× qahr×; al-Zamakhsharê, Rabê' al-abr×r, S. Na'êmê (ed.), Baghdad, n.d., III, 14.
this category of hujan×', the slave women's sons was the poet 'Antara al-'Absê, who was born to an Ethiopian slave woman and retained the status of slave.He did not bear his father's name nor that of the tribe until after he had performed an act of courage which saved the honor of the tribe. 11he change in 'Antara's status was not a unique case.Recognition of the sonhood of the concubine's child could always be given to sons born to slave women, if they happened to be able to prove their worthiness by means of their deeds (idh× anjaba, «if he was able to do noble and honorable deeds»). 12While the born child was given the opportunity to gain the status of free man, there was no change in the legal status of the slave women who gave birth to the child, except that she would hence bear the title of umm al-walad or mother of male child. 13he change in the legal status of the umm al-walad did not occur in the j×hiliyya times, it took place later during the Islamic period, apparently as a necessary outgrowth of a sort of primitive and systematic reasoning, and not by virtue of any provision or instruction in the Qur'×n or in the sunna of the Prophet. 14Islamic tradition attributes this change to 'Umar I, who declared that a slave master whose female slave born him a son, could not sell her, nor alienate her (i.e., give her as a gift), nor bequeath her to his descendants, but would have to keep her possessed to him all the days of his life, and only after his death she would become a free woman. 15But it is very reasonable to assume that the imputation of this decree to 'Umar was anachronistic and not different from other decrees and regulations used to be attributed to him.Ascribing this decree to the second caliph was intended to grant a kind of religious legitimacy to a social arrangement needed to secure social order in later period, without being based on Qur'×n nor the sunna of the Prophet.
In any case, if such a decree did exist on the part of 'Umar, it was not reflected at all in the will left by 'Alê, the fourth caliph, with regard to his nineteen slave concubines, in which he stated that any of these sar×rê who was umm walad would be included in her son's portion of the inheritance after her fiscal value had been established. 16nother act carried out a few years later, this time by the governor of Medina, Marw×n b. al-•akam, also reflected complete disregard to the decree which was attributed to 'Umar, when Marw×n ceded an umm walad of his own together with her infant child as a gift, to a certain freed slave of his own. 17his arrangement with regard to the fate and status of umm walad was in fact a latter-day compromise between two opposed views representing prevalent theological schools of thought in Iraq. 18The trend of liberating the umm walad gained momentum and became an indisputable religious arrangement, as a result of that compromise.In fact, it has already been noted that the notion of the umm al-walad expanded to include a slave woman who had become pregnant but had not yet born her child. 19Even a slave woman who had miscarried its embryo was granted the status of umm al-walad and was entitled to be freed from bondage. 20In fact, in an attempt to flee the shackles of slavery, slave women would use various sly means to become pregnant by her master and thus gain the status of umm al-walad. 21

II
The growing interest of Muslim theologians with the jaw×rê, especially their juridical status, was stemmed from the fact that their num- bers began to increase continuously as a result of the Islamic conquests outside Arabia during the first half of the seventh century.The jaw×rê since that date began to be involved in most areas of the daily life in Muslim society, particularly the daily life of the elite class, e.g., merchants, landowners, financiers, authors, scholars, senior officials, and the ruling Arab aristocracy.
An ethnic-functional categorization attributed to the Umayyad caliph 'Abd al-Malik (65/684-86/705) cites several of the daily domains in which female slaves were involved.Among these are satisfying the master's sexual needs, bearing children, nursing infants, and household chores. 22Ibn Bu÷l×n adds to this list domestic maintenance and babysitting. 23he purchase of jaw×rê did not serve solely as a response to the immediate needs of the slaveowner's family.In several cases, slaveowners purchased tens' hundreds, and even thousands of jaw×rê and kept them in their courts.This ostentatious purchase of jaw×rê and of male slaves was perceived as a symbol of the purchaser's social standing: the more slaves he had, the more his prestige and social status improved.The slaves' outward appearance and clothing also added to their master's prestige. 24he number of slaves accompanying the slavemaster as he strolled the streets or appeared at a social function, was an excellent indicator of his social standing. 25Parade of such entourages became increasingly prevalent, since many members of the ruling Arab aristocracy were able to purchase significant numbers of male and female slaves.This arrogant conduct by the notable aristocrats was not condoned by the representatives of the regime, who warned against these parades, threatening the offending slavemasters with capital punishment or seizure of property should they continue the practice.Such a threat was made by al-•ajj×j against the Arab aristocracy in Kùfa when he was appointed governor of Iraq. 26articularly great in number were sar×rê (concubines) purchased by the Abbasid caliphs and by the Muslim Arab aristocracy, whether con-nected to the regime or not.A record number of sar×rê was purchased by al-Mutawakkil (235/849-247/861), estimated at twelve thousand concubines, according to one version. 27According to another version, 28 he had four thousand concubines and enjoyed sexual relations with all of them.Such exaggerated figures of jaw×rê possessed by an individual owner may not represent the real number, they rather reflect the multitude of the numbers of female slave in that period.
Açmad b.Marw×n (453/1061), the separatist Kurdish ruler who controlled the emirate of Diy×rbakr during the fifth/eleventh century, had five hundred concubines in addition to the female slaves who served them. 29The commissioner of taxes at the gold mines on the Egyptian-Sudanese border in the year 441/1049, had three hundred jaw×rê, some of whom also served as sar×rê. 30M×lik b.Anas (713-795), founder of the school of religious law that bears his name, is also reported to have purchased three hundred sar×rê and would spend one night a year with each of them. 31

III
The jaw×rê played a significant role in the diplomatic relations between the Muslim ruler and the rulers of foreign countries which bordered upon the Islamic states.In 273/886, a gift is reported to have been sent to the palace of the caliphate in Baghdad by the Queen of the Franks, which included twenty male slaves and twenty female slaves from the óaq×liba. 32A similar gift was sent by Basilius, the Byzantine emperor, to the separatist ruler of Aleppo in the second decade of the fifth/eleventh century. 33lthough the number of male and female slaves sent as gift was meager, it was apparently significant, particularly in light of the fact that the slave trade and the supply of slaves to the local market would sometimes dwindle during times when security on the borders and along the trade routes became precarious as pointed out by the geographer al-Muqaddasê. 34ffering a ruler jaw×rê as a present was considered an optimal expression of gratitude and a very friendly gesture to gain the good will of the ruler.Government officials or district governors would take advantage of the opportunity to send such gifts to the caliph's court.Particularly prominent in this context was the gift sent by the governor of Khur×s×n, Ibn Í×hir, to the caliph al-Mutawakkil (847-861) when the latter acceded to the throne, which consisted of two hundred waóêf and waóêfa, pre-adolescent male and female youths. 35ives of the caliphs who wished to please their husbands and prove their loyalty to him, chose jaw×rê and presented them to their husbands as gift.One such example was the wife of al-Rashêd (176/786-193/803), who gave her husband ten jaw×rê, two of whom bore him sons al-Ma'mùn and al-Mu'taóim who were appointed caliphs after his death respectively. 36Earlier, the wife of the Umayyad caliph Yazêd b. 'Abd al-Malik (101/719-105/723) had presented her husband a j×riya in order to persuade him to appoint her son as heir apparent. 37The outstanding example in this respect was the gift of Sarah to Abraham, the forefather of Jews and Arabs, when she presented him Hagar her Egyptian female slave, who gave birth to Ismael, his son.

IV
Jaw×rê in the Islamic countries came from all corners of the world.In a treatise written in the fifth/eleventh century, the author Ibn Bu÷l×n provides a physical and characteristic description which serves to dis-Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXVIII 2, julio-diciembre 2007, pp.383-408 ISSN 0211-3589  tinguish between various types of female and male slaves according to their geographic and ethnic origin.He then provides a list of races and lands, citing the unique features of each race. 38From this treatise and other sources it becomes clear that the jaw×rê came from nineteen disparate regions and countries and a variety of ethnic origins. 39These, of course, were in addition to second and third generation jaw×rê who were born to slave parents in Islamic cities and who bore the title muwallad×t. 40Included in this group were jaw×rê who were born and grew up in cities of •ij×z such as Mecca, Medina, and T×'if, or in Yemen. 41But muwallad×t of Baóra, in Iraq, particularly those of fair complexion [óufr] were considered the finest type of all because they were beautiful, intelligent, and skilled. 42he female slave market was fed by four distinct resources.Two of these had to do with the war effort related to the campaigns of conquest carried out by the Muslims in the framework of jih×d.These battles created a tremendous number of prisoners of war of both genders, who were considered part of the spoils of war, ghanêma, which were divided among the warriors. 43These huge numbers of prisoners were enslaved as a result of these wars.It has been said, for example, that Mùs× b.Nuóayr, who invaded the Iberian Peninsula during the reign of al-Walêd b. 'Abd al-Malik, brought thirty thousand virgin maids back with him from among the Visigoth aristocracy. 44The number of prisoners of war allotted to the state treasury, bayt al-m×l, was estimated at sixty thousand, which was the fifth of the total number of prisoners. 45As for the accuracy of these estimated figures they should certainly not be taken at face value as they have been transmitted; however, they do serve as an indication that the number of prisoners was particularly high.
While the supply of slaves from the spoils of war could be characterized as a one-time event, the Arabs had another more permanent source of slaves, in accordance with their óulç (capitulation) agreements with neighboring countries and other ethnic groups.These treaties stipulated terms under which the local population was obliged (in addition to paying the annual tribute) to supply slaves of both genders.The number of these slaves varied according to the size of the local population and the residents' objective ability to serve. 46Weak communities and groups lacking in resources, such as the residents of the Barqa region and the Berber Law×ta tribe in North Africa, were given the opportunity to pay the annual tribute in slaves taken from the tribe, rather than in currency or agricultural product. 47hese agreements continued to be valid and were implemented for many decades after they were signed.In 200/815, over 150 years after the province of Khur×s×n was conquered, slaves continued to be sent by the governor of that province to the state treasury in Baghdad in accordance with the capitulations signed at the time of conquest.Íùlùn, father of Açmad b.Íùlùn, the separatist leader who gained control of Egypt and considerable parts of Syria between the years 870 and 905, was sent by the governor, Nùç b.As×d, along with others, in the framework of the annual tribute levied from this province. 48o receive the slaves sent from the far provinces, special buildings were set up in Baghdad, the capital, and in other provincial centers as well, known as d×r al-raqêq, «slave house».These buildings served as temporary housing for the slaves; the most famous of them was the one built in Baghdad, which was later named after a residential district in that city. 49A similar building was erected in Fus÷×÷, the capital center of Egypt, which was later known as birkat al-raqêq, «pool of the slaves». 50This institution and its inhabitants were put under the supervision of the central or provincial commissioner of the treasury. 51et another source that supplied slaves to the Muslim market was thievery.Bands of thieves from the coast of West Africa, south of the Sahara in Ghana and Takrùr, would raid the adjacent areas, kidnap Negro slaves, and bring them to the markets of North Africa. 52Other bands of thieves would carry out their raids on the East coast of Africa, bordering Egypt, and would bring slaves from the tribes of al-Buja. 53Similar raids took place in the eastern lands bordering on the territory controlled by the Muslims.In the East, the raiders would infiltrate the land of the Daylam or the territory of the Turks and sell their human spoils in local markets. 54ince the slaves became highly sought-after merchandise, the slave trade became a profitable branch of commerce on both a local scale (i.e., within the Islamic countries) and an international one.Particularly famous was the international trade route from Europe via North Africa, Egypt, Arabia, and on to the southern shores of China.Another led across the shores of the Mediterranean and eastward to Baghdad.The traders who ran this route were inferior merchants known as radhaniyya. 55The slaves were transferred to the provincial markets, some of which served as transit points from which they were moved on to the internal marketplace which served the general Muslim public.Such markets existed both in the West and in the East.Particularly prominent in the East was the marketplace of Samarqand in Transoxania, which served as a collection point and depot for slaves from the adjacent regions.It was known for the excellent quality of the slaves it exported. 56Another slave market was that of Bukh×r×; the slave markets in that city were held inside and outside the city walls, on a monthly rota basis. 57A third market was held in Herat, a city currently located on the western border of Afghanistan, adjacent to Iran.At that market, non-Muslim slaves from an adjacent region known as al-Ghawr were sold. 58Yet another market was held on the parallel side, in the town of B×b al-Abw×b in the region of Tabaristan, to which slaves were brought from the adjacent lands and regions. 59At the western side of the empire was the market of Zawêla, a town located on the border between North Africa and the Sahara, to which Negro slaves were brought from the southern Sahara. 60The Markets in North Africa were particularly actives as transit points for both light-skinned slaves (bêÝ) and dark-skinned ones (sùd); both were brought via al-Andalus and the Sahara. 61nother type of slave trade, albeit one which took place on a smaller scale, was barter trade.This kind of trade took place particularly between the merchants of Egypt and those of Sudan and the Nùba region, where slaves were exchanged for foodstuffs. 62The sexual role of the jaw×rê occupied a central position among the other household and social functions which they fulfilled in Arab society.But in a society that afforded such great importance to the issue of the noble parentage of its sons, being the son of a female slave was not easy.The sons of slave women became the target of contempt and derision. 63Even caliphs and sons of caliphs who were born to women that were sar×rê were not saved from scorn.The caliph al-Ma'mùn was derided in one poem because his mother was a j×riya. 64The Arab aristocracy was appalled at the idea of their daughters' marrying princes born to mothers who were umm walad. 65he Umayyad governor of Iraq, Kh×lid al-Qaórê, was scorned because he was the son of a j×riya. 66The contempt for sons of jaw×rê was not limited to the social plane; it also had an impact upon succession to the throne in the days of the Umayyad dynasty.The Umayyads kept the sons of their concubines away from the post of the caliphate, since they were not accepted by the Arab society. 67The Umayyad rulers themselves were convinced of such arrangement; in fact, their reasons for excluding such sons from the caliphate position did not stem solely from their fear not to excite the public order.Another reason stood actually behind their conduct; it was connected with a messianic belief according to which the Prophet had foretold the end of the Umayyad regime in the moment a prince born to an umm walad would ascend the throne of the caliphate.This apocalyptic utterance attributed to the Prophet was referred to in a dialogue which took place between caliph Hish×m b. 'Abd al-Malik and Zayd b. 'Alê, the prominent 'Alêd leader who lusted for power and led an unsuccessful shi'ite rebellion in Kufa in 122/739 in the hope of achieving his goal. 68ut the social and political reluctance felt toward the sons of the sar×rê, which was evident during the reign of the Umayyads, began to dwindle.There were several factors which brought about the decline in the obstinate, conservative attitude toward the sons of jaw×rê and toward the phenomenon of mixed marriage.Among these there were a more understanding attitude presented by Islam toward the institution of slavery, the decline in the basic concepts of the J×hilê heritage in favor of the basic values of Islam, and the increasing number of jaw×rê which resulted in an ever-increasing number of births to non-Arab mothers among the Arab aristocracy, both as a result of legal matrimony and via the institution of concubinage.Clear evidence of this change of attitude may be seen in the fact that only three of the Abbasid caliphs, whose number was 38, were born to Arab mothers, while the rest were born to freed slave women (ummah×t awl×d). 69or the most part, the sons and daughters of these caliphs, too, were offspring of jaw×rê.A few examples may shed light on the turnabout which took place: Mùs× al-Hadê, the fourth caliph in this dynasty be-got sons by ummah×t awl×d. 70The 'Alêd im×m, al-K×zim, who was classified as the seventh im×m according to the theory of the shê'ite group known as the ithn× 'ashariyya ("twelvers"), had 37 sons, all of whom were born to ummah×t awl×d. 71His father, the im×m Ja'far al-É×diq, was married to four women, three of them were jaw×rê; it was only those three that bore his sons. 72n this context, it is sufficient to examine the nasab and the biographical literature in order to see how common the phenomenon was in Arab society; in fact, it extended to all sectors of the Islamic countries of the Middle Ages.
In two satirical poems quoted by al-Mubarrad, the third/ninth century scholar, the poet depicts the extent of the phenomenon and its expansion throughout the Muslim state. 73he change in attitude toward the phenomenon of the jaw×rê began to become evident in series of proverbs and expressions attributed to senior figures from the ruling aristocracy as well as to writers and Islamic theorists.These expressions were designed to grant social legitimacy to the phenomenon, while at the same time allowing for the practical benefit of marrying jaw×rê and begetting sons by them.One such tradition states that the people of Medina shunned marriages with jaw×rê until three sons were born: 'Alê b. al-•usayn, al-Q×sim b.Muçammad and S×lim b. 'Abdull×h who were superior to all of their peers and became leaders in the fields of religious jurisprudence, erudition, and religious faith, and that they brought in their wake a surge of marriages to jaw×rê. 74he importance of this tradition lies in two aspects: the first is that the change took place in the attitude of the people of Medina, which was the capital of Islam in the days of the Prophet Muçammad and in the days of the four Righteous Caliphs that succeeded him; hence, the prestige attributed to this city and the reverence with which it was regarded.Furthermore, the people of Medina were the elite of the Islamic religious aristocracy which produced the scholars and theologians.The second aspect was connected to the identity of the three men who were born to ummah×t awl×d: these were the respective grandchildren of 'Alê, Abù Bakr and 'Umar, three of the four first caliphs in Islam.The fact that these men had jaw×rê mothers did not harm them; on the contrary, it was the secret of their success, as the aforesaid tradition teaches us.In this context, 'Umar is reported to have recommended to one Meccan clan that they should marry foreign women in order to improve the stock of their descendants. 75Another tradition glorifies the descendants of foreign mothers, particularly of Persian women. 76Marrying jaw×rê was designed, in addition to improving the stock of the descendants, to lighten their swarthy skin.To this end, Mu'×wiya, the first Umayyad caliph, gave a j×riya of Greek origin as a gift to one of his courtiers so that she would born him white sons, sayin to him: «bayyiÝ bih× waladak». 77As for men who were lacking in means and therefore found it difficult to marry a free woman, it was recommended that they marry a woman from among the jaw×rê. 78he sons of mixed marriages were no longer the target of derision, as had previously been the case.They were now regarded with tolerance, out of an awareness that the origin of one's mother did not detract from the noble origins about which the Arabs demonstrated a particular care.Two anonymous poems reflect this new trend. 79hen marriage to a free Arab woman was weighed in the balance against marriage to a slave woman, the scales tipped in favor of the latter, who was preferred because she could be obtained at a lower cost, provided better service to her husband, and did not incur numerous daily expenses. 80The predilection for jaw×rê also stemmed from sexual considerations, since the sar×rê were less particular about modesty and dignity during sexual relations than was the Arab woman, who was bound by a heavy burden of conservative tradition. 81In this context, one prince from the Umayyad dynasty is re-ported to have said that he could find no justification for a man who has sar×rê to seek a marriage with a free Arab woman. 82aking all of this into consideration, it is no wonder that high-ranking individuals, particularly the caliphs showed extreme passion for some of their jaw×rê, whether or not they had born them sons.They could not tolerate being away from them for even a short time, and would therefore bring them along on their military campaigns, as did the three caliphs al-Ma'mùn, al-Mu'taóim, and al-W×thiq. 83Al-Rashêd, father of the first two caliphs, ardently loved a Christian j×riya named Hayl×na, whom he mourned on the day of her death and for whom he personally wrote a dirge and even encouraged poets to compose songs of eulogy in her memory. 84Marw×n II, the last Umayyad caliph, left his j×riya in Ramla in Palestine while fleeing to Egypt in the face of the Abbasid armies, and wrote a poem in which he expressed his longing for her and the feelings of pain and anguish over his separation from her. 85 When Habb×ba, the surriyya of Yazêd II, the Umayyad caliph, died, the caliph was overcome with emotion and got incapable of believing that she had died that he ordered her body unburied for several days and nearly went insane over her death.He did not survive long after her. 86It was reported that al-Ma'mùn had fell in love with the j×riya of his wazêr, al-FaÝl b.Sahl; in order to win her for himself he had conspired against the wazêr, her master and send someone to assassinate him. 87

VI
The jaw×rê were not a homogenous group.In addition to differences in ethnic origin, skin, color and intellectual capacity, there were differences in the profession employed by each of them.The most prestigious profession for a slave woman was that of singing.In addition to possessing a natural talent, the singer needed to undergo continuous and arduous rehearsal and exercise.A set of requirements and criteria was established, under which candidates for this profession were selected. 88Muslim society took a particular interest in song and singers, and extensive literature has been written on the subject.One such work which has come down to us is the book al-Agh×nê, by Abù al-Faraj al-Ióbah×nê, in which the biographies of male and female singers comprises a central part.The book contains a list of famous female singers, including over twenty singers who were leaders in their field and represented the various schools of artistic song.Most of them had access to the court of the caliphs and had even been purchased by the caliphs, through special agents. 89he beginnings of singing as a profession happened in Medina during the Umayyad period.Among the first singers was one named 'Azza al-Mayl×' whose admirers were no less than prominent óaç×ba, Companions of the Prophet.Among these óaç×ba were the poet of the Prophet •ass×n b.Th×bit and his brother Zayd, who was chosen by the caliph 'Uthm×n to be the coordinatior of the committee responsible for the writing down of Qur'×n. 90The most remarkable singers of the first generation, male and female, learned their vocation in the studio of 'Azza. 91he founder of the Medina school of singing was the singer Jamêla, her home became a studio for dozens of budding vocalists who paid a considerable fee for her tutelage. 92When she made pilgrimage to Mecca, she was accompanied by the foremost male and female singers, as well as by poets and numerous aristocrats, and no less than fifty female singers in training joined her on her trip, similar number of married singers joined her in this journey after they got the permission from their husbands. 93Because of the distinguished position and impecable reputation she acquired, she refused to appear in taverns or public houses, but agreed to sing only in her own home, and her admirers from among the Arab and Muslim aristocracy would come there to hear her singing. 94uring the Abbasid period, when Medina relinquished its position as the cultural and artistic capital in favor of the cities of Iraq, the city of Baóra became the center for studying vocal arts.Vocal students would come to studios of Baóra from various places, including the capital, Baghdad.The famous female poet and singer 'Arêb, whose name is associated with that of the caliph al-Ma'mùn, was a graduate of the vocalists' studio at Baóra. 95The number of female singers and vocal students studying at the studio of the famous singer and composer Ibr×hêm al-Mawóilê (125/742-188/803) reached eighty one; these were sent by their masters to study the vocal profession and were known as wad×'i' "slave women on deposit". 96he number of female slave-singers, known as qiy×n, continued to grow.In Baghdad, a census was held in the middle of the fourth/tenth century, which showed 460 professional singers who were considered to be at the top of their class, as well as another 120 professional female singers who were free citizens.This, in addition to other singers whom it was difficult to pinpoint because they were employed privately by persons who could not easily be located, as well as women who were competent singers and sang on occasion, but were not always active in that profession. 97 slave trader from Baghdad who was also a well-known writer and traditionist, Açmad b. al-•×rith, 98 kept a stock of slaves at his home whose value was estimated at one hundred thousand dinars.His clientele was exclusively limited to caliphs and wazêrs.99 For the slave trader nakkh×s, singer-slaves (qiy×n) were a worth while and lucrative investment, since they brought excellent prices which sometimes bordered on the fantastic, estimated at thousands or tens of thousands of dinars.100 For example, the fortune amassed by Ibr×hêm al-Mawóilê came from trading in qiy×n.101 The price he once collected for a single j×riya whom he sold to the caliph al-Rashêd, was thirty six thousand dinars actually six times what he had paid for her. Training jaw×rê to sing was not solely for the purpose of providing merchandise to the palace of the caliphate.Singing and female singers became a highly popular commodity among the prosperous strata of society, as had been the case in Arab society during the reign of the early Abbasids.Dozens of private entertainment clubs were held at the homes of those who had bought singers and were open day and night to those who sought pleasant entertainment in the company of singers, young women, and revelry.Al-J×çiû cites the name of eleven such homeowners to whom he addressed a treatise defending them against criticism that had been directed against them.103 Other names of homeowners who operated such clubs may be found in the adab literature and in other literary sources, 104 and it is very reasonable to assume that tens and hundreds of others existed who were not mentioned.
The technical term used to describe a person who kept a house of entertainment was muqayyin, 105 derived from the word qayna which refers to any female slave, and at the same time was used to denote a female singer-slave. 106The clients who frequented the home of the muqayyin were known as rubat×', the plural form of the singular mur×bit. 107These persons usually belonged to the elite, including poets, writers, and scholars. 108Officials of the state and persons of means were also among the patrons of these institutions. 109espite the differences between various types of rubat×', two factors were common to all of them: the desire to listen to singing, drink and enjoy oneself, and the willingness to spend money and give expensive gifts. 110The home of the muqayyin had private meeting rooms which enabled a customer to be alone with one of the house singers; he could also spend the night in one of these rooms in exchange for a fee. 111The muqayyin was sometimes willing to provide home service to a client and would send him the singer he had ordered. 112f all the customers, the poets were considered the most important by the muqayyin, because of the power inherent in their poetry, this being precisely the most effective means of communication and advertising the muqayyin required in order to attract a broader clientele. 113he slave traders believed it was worth while to train and educate female slaves so that the latter would attain better profit for them, since an educated slave woman was worth more than an uneducated woman. 114The market made a clear distinction between an educated slave woman and an uneducated one, who was known as s×dhaj. 115he demand for educated a slave women was greater, particularly among clients from the ruling elite, who would take pains to find out how educated a slave woman was before purchasing her. 116he basic subjects of erudition can be divided into three main areas: the Arabic language, the Qur'×n, and the study of poetry by Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXVIII 2, julio-diciembre 2007, pp.383-408 ISSN 0211-3589 rote. 117It should be pointed out that the study of poetry was crucial to those who wished to specialize in singing, and almost all qiy×n demonstrated admirable expertise in this field. 118But there were apparently also jaw×rê who specialized in specific fields such as the Qur'×n and qir×'×t (ways of reading the Qur×n), 119 or çadêth and theology (fiqh). 120There were also those who were proficient at literary writing and written expression. 121Worthy of mention in this respect was the legendary female slave of al-Rashêd, the caliph, whose name was Tawaddud and who was the hero of one of the Thousand and One Nights stories.This slave woman was purported to have outshone all of the outstanding scholars of the royal court in all areas of study and in fields connected to such academic areas as literature and the exact sciences. 122Ignoring the legendary element of the story, which is the same as in any such tale, the story of this slave woman reflects the thinking of the age and the common perception of the slave women in Muslim society.

VII
The education of jaw×rê, which was intended primarily as a means of increasing the slave traders' profits, contributed to the prevalence of education among women, a characteristic which in the Muslim world had formerly been monopolized by men.Toward the beginning of the fourth/tenth century, there were women who demanded the right to occupy positions which had heretofore been reserved for men. 123In this respect, there were, in fact, some women who became specialized in the study of religious law, one of them became famous for her concentration on the field of fat×w× in accordance with the Sh×fi'ê school of law. 124he appointment of a woman to the position of q×Ýê was the subject of controversy among the scholars of religious thought; Abù Hanêfa, of the four, established that it was permissible for a woman to serve as a q×Ýê, but not in all areas.Al-Íabarê, on the other hand, adopted a far reaching conclusion when he ruled that a woman was competent to serve in that position without any reservation. 125fter the jaw×rê had become an established phenomenon in Muslim society, a sort of internal hierarchy was formal within the institution of the jaw×rê itself.We have already seen that the jaw×rê who were singers, qiy×n, had themselves jaw×rê of their own, who were in fact a kind of choice group known as jaw×rê al-qiy×n. 126Prominent in this context were the jaw×rê of 'Arêb, who were singers themselves. 127he rising number of jaw×rê in the court of the caliphs and other senior government officials created new positions which had not existed previously in the administrative apparatus.The role of ongoing general responsibility for the jaw×rê in the palace, regardless of their areas of day-to-day activity, was placed in the hands of a senior j×riya, who bore the title qayyimat al-jaw×rê. 128Her responsibilities sometimes also included preparing a j×riya before a performance or when the master wanted her to attend him. 129nother key position was that of the qahram×na, stewardess, who was responsible for the caliph's office. 130The qahram×na had an office manager, who also functioned as secretary. 131The role of the qahram×na was not clearly defined, and her areas of responsibility were many and varied; Zayd×n, the j×riya who fulfilled this role during the reign of the caliph al-Muqtadir (207-930), was among other things in charge of the keys to the safe which held the palace's jewels. 132Rebel elements or suspected ministers and state officials whom were put in custody, were kept under its control. 133A certain qahram×na called Thamal was authorized to interrogate another qahram×na who had been in a larger conspiracy to dismiss the caliph from the throne. 134With the intercession of the queen mother, mother of caliph al-Muqtadir, Thamal was appointed to a prestigious and sensitive position known as dêw×n al-maû×lim, a sort of ombudsman, or court of appeal.This position required training and expertise in jurisprudence and religious law.Thamal, the qahram×na, fulfilled this role to the satisfaction of the defrauded complainants. 135Another qahram×na, by the name of F×÷ima, was given financial authority by the caliph, including the authority to issue orders of payment to officials of the state treasury. 136The role of this qahram×na was considered an official palace post, and was of equivalent standing in the palace hierarchy to the rank given to the caliph's mother and the royal princes.Officials of the regime, including the wazêr, when writing to the qahram×na, were bound to address her according to the rules of the protocol. 137 j×riya who had born a son to the caliph, bore the title of al-sayyida, a term somewhat akin to the modern First Lady and apparently designed to bestow honor upon its owner, in keeping with the Arab custom of not addressing an honorable person by his first name.138 This title was bestowed upon al-Khayzur×n, wife of al-Mahdê and mother of both caliphs: al-H×dê and al-Rashêd.139 The mother of caliph al-Muqtadir, who was of Greek origin (or, according to another version, of a Turkish origin), also bore the title al-sayyida.140 Senior jaw×rê in the palace also bore this title, and a designated body came into being known as al-s×da, the masters.141 The jaw×rê have had free access to the institutions of government and would handle matters and arrange favors for persons who approached them.Al-J×çiû refers to the intercession of jaw×rê in arranging palace matters and even mentions some of them by name.142 Mention is made, in this context, of the decisive influence of al-Khayzur×n upon the wazêr Yaçy× al-Barmakê.143 Also mentioned is the absolute control gained by al-R×'iqa over the governor of Iraq on behalf of the Umayyds, Kh×lid al-Qaórê.144 A poet j×riya by the name of FaÝl, whose home became a club for poets and authors, used to intercede with the institutions of government and with senior officials in order to arrange favors for these men of literature.145 The jaw×rê took advantage of their standing, while using the fondness of their masters, and their own seductiveness to influence the political decision of the Royal Court; Habb×ba, the famous j×riya of the Umayyad caliph Yazêd b. 'Abd al-Malik, was behind the appointement of Ibn Hubayra to the senior position as the governor of Iraq and the eastern province in 102/720, thanks to her intercession with her master.146 A similar incident took place later, during the reign of al-Rashêd, the Abbasid caliph who agreed to appoint a friend of his j×riya, Dh×t al-Kh×l, in an administrative office.147 It was the mother of al-Muqtadir who was responsible of such many administrative decisions, without disturbing herself to have the formal approval of the caliph.148 Relatives of the jaw×rê were always the main beneficiaries of the service of the jaw×rê; they had invested their kinship to get the maximum.So it was the case with the brother of the caliph's mother, 149 or the brother of the qahram×na Umm Mùs×, 150 as well as the state of affairs during the reign of the preceding caliphs. 151The influence of jaw×rê was so great that other courtiers were always concerned not to stir their agitation.152 Those among them who declined to get their good will, were liable very soon to lose their position or even lose their freedom.153 The political impact of the jaw×rê was not limited to influence the courtiers or the principal officials of the state, it was extended, in the case of weak caliphs like al-Muqtadir, further to abrogate the word of the caliph himself.154 Because of the weakness of this caliph the jaw×rê of his court took the whole control of the state, and actually were they who ran the country.155 The caliph al-H×dê (785-786) had faced a considerable difficulty before he succeeded finally to restore his authority and to keep away the interference of his mother al-Khayzur×n in the administrative policy of the state.Her reaction to being curbed was so strong and extreme, she vowed not to speak with the caliph, her own son.Her vow was carried into practice until his last day; she was even accused, according to some reports, that she was behind his murder. 156Regarding the calamity unleashed by al-Rashêd upon the Bar×mika family, which had grave consequences later on, it is reported that it was his mother's incitement which led him to his fatal decision.157 Some of the jaw×rê demonstrated a remarkable courage and extreme determination concerning political issues; one example is Umm Mùs×, the qahram×na, who led the conspiracy to overthrow the caliph al-Muqtadir from the throne.158 Another qahram×na, by the name of 'Alam, was responsible for paving the way to caliph al-Mustakfê's rise to power.159 Because of the influence of al-sayyida, mother of al-Muqtadir, at the palace, and because of her flagrant intervention in her son's decisions, the palace aides preferred to nominate a motherless prince from the Abbasid dynasty than another candidate whose mother was still alive.160 The power of the jaw×rê was not based solely on their beauty and sexual/physical attractiveness.Rather, they amassed additional resource of strength and influence.For example, Umm al-Muqtadir had her own militia.161 Another source of power was the inordinate accu-mulated wealth enjoyed by some of the jaw×rê who received parcels of land or agricultural plots, either as an iq÷×' (feudal estate) or as a gift. 162In addition to these resources, jaw×rê who held key positions in the palace would receive valuable gifts as well considerable sums of money as a bribe.163 Those who benefited from this power were only the relatives of the jaw×rê or those whom they held in favor, but rather the entire ethnic or religious group to which the j×riya belonged.Kh×lid al-Qaórê, the governor of Iraq had erected a church in Kùfa for the Christian community under the influence of his mother, who was a Christian herself.Kh×lid was generous in his nomination of Christian functionaries to officials positions for the sake of his mother.164 The phenomenon of tolerance toward the non-Muslim communities was probably affected by the religious tolerance within the palace of the caliphate itself.In the courtyard of the palace of al-Ma'mùn, Christmas would be celebrated by the Christian jaw×rê of the palace, with all the hallmarks of the religious ceremony, as the caliph himself looked on and joined in the merriment of the rejoicing jaw×rê.165