Al-Qanṭara XLII (2)
julio-diciembre 2021, e15
eISSN 1988-2955 | ISSN-L 0211-3589
https://doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.2021.012

A Bilingual Lead Seal from the Umayyad Conquest of the Iberian Peninsula

Un precinto bilingüe de plomo de la conquista omeya de la península ibérica

Ruth Pliego

Universidad de Sevilla
Member of the Research Team “De la Turdetania a la Bética” (HUM-152)

https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2125-3974

Tawfiq Ibrahim

Real Academia de la Historia
Member of the Research Project “Feluses y precintos como fuentes para la comprensión del proceso de conquista, arabización e islamización de al-Andalus (siglos VIII-IX d.C.) (PID2019-105189GB-I00)”. Ministerio de Cien cia, Innovación y Universidades.

https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3551-758X

Abstract

This paper presents a hitherto unknown early Arabic-Latin bilingual lead seal depicting a peace pact (muṣālaḥa). The similarities of the Latin signs on one of its faces with those found on a Visigothic monetary issue attributed to the city of Seville, lead us to suggest that this seal could be from the earliest phase of the Umayyad conquest of the Iberian Peninsula, and that it probably alludes to the first peace pact established by Mūsā b. Nuṣayr with that city.

Key words: 
Ummayad conquest; lead seals; primary sources; numismatics; Visigoths.
Resumen

Se presenta un sello de plomo bilingüe árabe-latino, hasta ahora desconocido, que representa un pacto de paz (muṣālaḥa). Las similitudes de los signos latinos de una de sus caras con los encontrados en una emisión monetaria visigoda atribuida a la ciudad de Sevilla nos llevan a sugerir que este sello podría ser de la fase más temprana de la conquista omeya de la península ibérica, y que probablemente alude al primer pacto de paz establecido por Mūsā b. Nuṣayr con dicha ciudad.

Palabras clave: 
conquista omeya; precintos de plomo; fuentes primarias; numismática; visigodos.

Received: 21/04/2020; Accepted: 16/02/2021; Published: 16/12/2021

Cómo citar/Citation: Pliego, Ruth and Ibrahim, Tawfiq, “A Bilingual Lead Seal from the Umayyad Conquest of the Iberian Peninsula”, Al-Qanṭara, 42, 2 (2021), e15. https://doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.2021.012

CONTENT

To Gonzalo Cores Uría,
in memoriam

In the past decades our knowledge of the 711 Umayyad conquest of the Iberian Peninsula, and thereon the rapid dismantling Visigoth kingdom of Toledo, has been enriched by the appearance of a whole series of previously unknown lead seals all bearing early Arabic script.1For the first paper on the subject, see Ibrahim, “Evidencias de precintos”. See “Nuevos documentos”, with previous bibliography. More recently, Sénac and Ibrahim, “Notes sur des sceux de la conquête” and Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquista. The lead seals, notwithstanding their plain unadorned appearance, have given us a wide spectrum of possible insights as to the administrative complexity and nature of the said conquest. Some give us names of governors,2Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquista, nº 1-14, see also Ibrahim, “A new lead seal”. many of peace or capitulation pacts established with various cities or regions,3Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquista, nº 34-41, see also Gaspariño and Ibrahim, “Nuevo ‘precinto de paz’ (muṣālaḥa)”. others of poll taxes on the new subjects of specific localities, also those of redistribution of properties and wealth,4Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquista, nº 42-55. of the ‘licit in al-Andalus’5Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquista, nº 87-94. On the problematic term ǧaza (‘licit’) in the seals, see Ibrahim, “Additions to the lead seals”, p. 128 ff. and of booty taking among others, in addition to a significant number of a very diverse group which due to their fragmentary nature still remain to be deciphered.6Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquista, nº 58-73; 74-94; 95-111, respectively. In essence, the lead seals of this early period indicate, even better than the coins, the imposition of a sophisticated and very energetic tax gathering system as recorded by the anonymous Latin Chronicle of 754, the only source written in the Iberian Peninsula that is contemporary to the Umayyad conquest and its governors.7López Pereira, Crónica mozárabe de 754.

Recently we have been able to study a novel type of seal held in a private collection from Seville which is quite different from all those previously known. The uniqueness of the said object is that it is bilingual, Arabic script on one area with a couple of Latin letters on the other. On the Arabic side, written retrograde, is the single word muṣālaḥa, مصلحة,8The mad in the word muṣālaḥa is not put, which is the usual in the early Kufic script of the lead seals. literally, ‘peace pact’, although the term would be better understood as a negotiated capitulation whose actual conditions could vary significantly from one pact to another. On the other side we have in Latin just two separate characters: an inverse S, and a P (Fig.1). The data of the seal is:

  • I Area: مصلحة

  • II Area: ƧP

  • 16.49 g; 30 (length) x 18.20 (width) x 4 (thickness) mm.

medium/medium-AL-QANTARA-42-02-e15-gf1.png
Fig. 1.  Bilingual seal of a retrograde muṣālaḥa with SP attributed to Seville.

This brief two lettered Latin legend engraved in the second area of the seal is epigraphically very close to the same two characters as found on one typology of the so-called Visigoth coppers, specifically the SP types attributed to the city of Seville. The contended Visigoth copper has been rather polemically discussed since they were first made known in mid-1990s by Miquel CrusafontCrusafont, Miquel, El sistema monetario visigodo: cobre y oro, Barcelona, ANE, 1994..9Crusafont, El sistema monetario visigodo. The initial reticence to accept this new material by a part of Spanish numismatic researchers seems to have been slowly overcome by the numerically growing material evidence.10Pliego, “The Circulation of Copper Coins”. However, this continues to raise various questions, in terms of chronology and its role in Visigoth Hispania, which indicates that we are still at a very early stage of investigation.11See recently Pliego, “Rethinking the minimi”.

It is possible to draw a certain parallel between the seals of conquest and the Visigoth coppers. In both cases, the crude technique and the poor state of preservation may explain the difficulty in recovering them archaeologically and therefore their near-total absence from the inventories of excavations.12Regarding the Visigothic copper, at the time of the publication of Crusafont’s work (El sistema monetario) it was limited to Valencian finding of L’Illa de Cullera (see Mateu y Llopis, “Hallazgos Monetarios XV” and “Bronces imperiales y vándalos”). In those articles Mateu y Llopis considered those still unknown peninsular series as minimi Byzantines. Both materials have become known quite recently, and their late incorporation into numismatic research is also explained by their limited attractiveness to collectors, although in both cases the initial interest has originated precisely from the latter. In fact, their interest in the historical data has brought a considerable, and hitherto unknown, repertoire to the surface. Although recently some copper Visigoth coins have been registered in archaeological excavations,13Pliego, “Rethinking the minimi”. The most recent ones have been recovered in València la Vella (Riba-Toja de Túria), a settlement relatively close to L’Illa de Cullera, see Pliego and Caldés Aquilué, “Nuevos hallazgos”. to date, none of the many Arabic lead seals have so been found.14Even though all the French seals come from Ruscino (see Marichal and Sénac, “Ruscino”), they were recovered by two archaeologists with the use of a metal detector, directly from the many discarded mounds left over from a near century of previous archaeological digs. On this subject see Ibrahim, “Additions to the lead seals”, p. 115, n. 2.

The Visigoth bronzes showing the SP legen-as in this Umayyad seal-evidence various peculiarities which distinguish them from the rest of the known typologies. It is the most homogeneous series counting with two denominations ranging the largest between 1.30 and 1.45 g and the smallest weighing about 0.30 g.15Crusafont, El sistema monetario, p. 48. See also Fernández Flores, Pliego and Carvajal, “Nuevos hallazgos de bronces visigodos”, pp. 285-286. Likewise, it is this typology that shows the characters SP in both denominations-possibly sometimes SPL in the heaviest-,16Several specimens seem show the L linked to the P. clearly attributable, in our opinion, to the city of Seville (Fig. 2).

medium/medium-AL-QANTARA-42-02-e15-gf2.png
Fig. 2.  The Visigothic series with SP attributed to Seville; PL linked.

Some authors, however, have suggested that SP would not allude to the city of Hispalis but to Spania,17Vico, Cores Gomendio and Cores Uría, Corpus Nummorum Visigothorum, p. 115. the name of the province that the Byzantines gave to the territory of the Iberian Peninsula that they controlled for almost 70 years,18On the byzantine province of Spania see Vallejo Girvés, Bizancio y la España tardoantigua and Vizcaíno, La presencia bizantina en Hispania. It is generally accepted that the Byzantines minted tremisses in Spania between the mandates of Justinian I (527-565) and Heraclius (610-641) (see Grierson, “Una ceca bizantina en España”, although this is not supported by the findings. This evidence is made up of about thirty pieces preserved in private collections, some of which are somehow related to Spain, see more recently Bartlett, Oddy and Morrisson, “The Byzantine gold coinage of Spania”. implicitly assuming that the coins were issued by official Byzantine authorities. This suggestion finds a first obstacle in its adaptation to the Byzantine coinage since it is not a common or widespread practice among the Byzantine authorities to indicate the mint of their issues.19According to Ph. Grierson “Byzantine mint authorities made only occasional efforts to indicate where and when coins were struck”, see Grierson, Byzantine Coins, p. 20. But in addition, it should be assumed that these authorities haven’t engraved the name of a mint but the name of a province Spania, on these rude and diminutive bronzes without allusion to the authority.20The uncommon allusions to the name of province are exceptional and limited to province-islands, as the folles issues in Cyprus with mint-mark KVPR-during Heraclius’ reign c. 626-629 (see Hahn, Moneta Imperii Byzantini, henceforth MIB, III, p. 198), Sicily-a decanummi issue by Maurice Tiberius (582-602) probably in Syracuse with mint-mark SECILIA allusive to Sicily (MIB, I, pp. 136-137). There are also peculiar folles countermarked with the mark of Sicilia (SCLS) from the reign of Heraclius (610-641) (MIB III, p. 104) and Sardinia (S) (c. 690 to c. 720). The findings of the SP type in the limited territory that was occupied by the Byzantine province are negligible, as is evident in Málaga-precisely an area that claims to have numerous findings in archaeological context-the same in Cartagena and the Balearic Islands. In contrast to this dearth, we have an overwhelming frequency of SP type finds in Seville and its immediate surroundings, as has been previously dealt by one of us. The most convincing evidence, however, is the fact that in Leovigild’s first tremisses-the gold coins-the name of this city is abbreviated in a similar way (Fig. 3). The very characteristics of this type take us back to the reign of Leovigild (c. 568-586), both in terms of its typology, such as the front bust in the larger denomination as well as the cross on steps in the smaller, which were introduced as an innovation in the tremissis of this monarch, and in terms of the allusion to the mint, since it was also under Leovigild’s rule that the name of the issuing city began to be introduced on the gold coins.

medium/medium-AL-QANTARA-42-02-e15-gf3.png
Fig. 3.  Reverses of Leovigild’s tremisses of Ispali with SP and SPL linked. (American Numismatic Society 2016.29.12; Private Collections) (Pliego, 46b.1 and 48 c.1).

The similarity between the Latin characters on this Umayyad seal and those shown on the coins of the Visigothic coins attributed to Seville is evident. It is interesting to note that many of those coins including the retrograde S, while the P, sometimes has a noticeably short stem and a not excessively developed loop, both of which are characteristics of this seal. A vertical line between the letters of the seal appears in the place where the vertical stem of the cross would be in the Visigothic bronze (Fig. 4). This simple stem replacing the cross was first done in some of the earliest gold coins of the Umayyad of Damascus in which the Byzantine solidus with reverse of cross on steps typology were imitated, precisely the typology of the minor Visigothic denomination with SP. The truncated cross is directly related to the Quranic ayas where the crucifixion of Jesus is flatly denied as a factual event and affirmatively recalled as spurious.21Quran, Sūrat al-Nisāʾ, 4,157-158. The stem on steps also was used in the bronze coinage22Walker, Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine, pp. 30-42. See 64-67. and is present in the transitional fractional gold coins struck during Mūsā b. Nuṣayr’s stay in the Iberian Peninsula23E.g. Walker, Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine, pp. 76-78. (Fig. 5).

medium/medium-AL-QANTARA-42-02-e15-gf4.png
Fig. 4.  Bilingual seal with SP and stem in between and Visigothic coin with SP and cross.
medium/medium-AL-QANTARA-42-02-e15-gf5.png
Fig. 5.  Reverse of a fractional coin of Mūsā b. Nuṣayr.

The correct transmission of Latin characters SP contrast with the peculiarity of the retrograde writing of the muṣālaḥa formula of the obverse (Fig. 6), an oddity unknown until now among the relatively large repertoire of such seals naming other Iberian cities: the engraver who made the seal adopted the mentioned usual spelling during the Visigoth period,24Monogram which appears not only in the Visigoth bronzes, but also in in other objects of the period. See a ring found in Osuna (Seville) with a remarkably similar monogram in Crusafont, El sistema monetario, p. 22. but it was perhaps his lack of knowledge of the Arabic language, which lead him to record the message of this word in a retrograde manner.

medium/medium-AL-QANTARA-42-02-e15-gf6.png
Fig. 6.  Area I of the bilingual seal with the image rotated horizontally on its axis for a correct reading.

Seville according the various Arabic sources was taken twice during the early conquest period, the first directly by Mūsā b. Nuṣayr in the year 93H after a relatively brief siege.25 Aḫbār Maǧmūʿa, p. 16; Ibn ʿIḏārī al-Marrākušī, Al-Bayān, vol. II, p. 14; Al-Maqqarī, Nafḥ, vol. I, p. 269; Al-Aṯīr, Al-Kāmil, nº 224, p.17; Al-Nuwayrī, Nihāyat, p. 196. References taken from Gaspariño García,Historia de Al-Andalus, III, pp. 77-78. But very shortly after, while Mūsā was away besieging Merida, the city of Seville rebelled with the help of detachments from Beja and Niebla resulting in the killing of the small garrison of some 80 soldiers that had been left behind. The city had to be quickly retaken by his son ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz in the same year.26 Aḫbār Maǧmūʿa, p.18; Ibn ʿIḏārī al-Marrākušī, Al-Bayān, vol. II, p. 15; Al-Maqqarī, Nafḥ, vol. I, p. 271; Al-Aṯīr, Al-Kāmil, nº 224, p.18; Al-Nuwayrī, Nihāyat, pp. 196-197. See Gaspariño, Historia de Al-Andalus, III, pp. 84-85. Seville’s rebellion and slaughter of the small garrison could have been within the laws of war of the period sacked and totally reduced to booty taking. Nevertheless, being one of the largest and most prosperous cities of the subjugated Visigoth kingdom, this option was evidently not thought to be the most beneficial in the long term and a second peace pact was seemingly negotiated. The establishment of this metropolis as the first capital of this new Umayyad province till 98H,27Actually Al-Andalus was for most of the near half century of Damascus Umayyad governorship not a separate entity but a sub province of Ifrīqiya and from which most of its governors were named. and the material existence of quite a few lead seals of the peace pact of Seville are both testimony to that eventuality.28Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquista, nº 19-27. The question remains as to which of these two peace pacts the present seals is to be attributed, to the first very brief one of Mūsā b. Nuṣayr or to that of its permanent re-conquest by his son ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz?

Before trying to answer that question we must mention the first coins minted in the Iberian Peninsula by the conquerors, the so-called transitional coinage which were adapted from the Byzantine monetary system of the exarchate of Africa. The first dinars were struck exclusively with Latin legend from the year 93H to 95H, coinciding with Mūsā b. Nusayr’s stay in the Peninsula, and they include the mint name Span(ia).29On the transitional coinage see Balaguer, Emisiones transicionales; in particular, on the epigraphic Latin series, see pp. 67-72. Until a few decades ago, there were hardly any findings of transitional dinars (see e.g. Pliego, “El dinar epigráfico latino”). In recent times these issues have aroused renewed interest. The direct consequence has been the proliferation of forgeries, having been registered not only in auctions of commercial firms in some cases of certain prestige, but what is more worrying, some of these forgeries have reached scientific journals (Ibrahim and Gaspariño García, “Dubious coins”). In the single year 98H the bilingual dinars in Latin and Arabic were minted and the mint appears as Spania on the Latin side and al-Andalus on the Arabic one.30See Balaguer, Emisiones transicionales, pp. 69-75. See the recent work of Ariza, “Los dinares bilingües”, even though we do not share some of the speculative opinions put forward there. The bilingual dinars are the first dated of Arabic writing on a material evidence and very importantly, the first dated testimony of the geographic-and enigmatic-name of Al-Andalus. A mint name clearly identified with Spania, a toponym reinforced by the representation of a central star representing Hesperides.31We share the reasonable opinion of Delgado (Estudios de numismática, p. 56) on the identification of the star at the centre of the first area of the Latin dinars as an allusion to Iberia-Hesperides. See Ariza, “Los dinares bilingües”, for a dissenting opinion.

Nevertheless, this does not imply that it was in 98H-the date of the first bilingual dinars-when both innovations first took place as sometimes has been assumed. In fact, it is quite probable that many of the undated lead seals could be prior to the bilingual dinars, as one of us has already proposed.32See Ibrahim, “Nuevos documentos”, p. 149, fig. 3. Furthermore, we can assume that many of the numerous undated fals were minted before 98H. This is clearly the case of the dated 92H Arabic fals readily found in the Iberian Peninsula as Codera33Codera, Tratado de numismática, pl. II, 8. and Walker34Walker, Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine, nº 944-949. Note that this author gives five die varieties for this coin, an indication of its commonness. listed, and the dates 93H and 95H of the same series,35Walker, Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine, nº 950 and B. 60. dates that would perfectly cover Mūsā’s stay in the Iberian Peninsula.

The exclusive use of Latin script in all the transitional coinage struck during Mūsā’s stay in the Iberian Peninsula could perhaps point to the likelihood that this seal could have been the early work of any one of the non-Arab mint masters.36The previous gold solidus of Mūsā’s governorship of Ifrīqiya was also all done in abbreviated Latin, see Walker, Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine, pp. 64-73.A mint master who was familiar with the Byzantine tradition of the old mint of Ifrīqiya that the Arab conquerors had inherited. Mūsā could have brought them along from Ifrīqiya to monetize the expected booty to be taken in the same coinage as his army, the Arab ǧund, had long been acquainted with since 85H (704-705).37Walker, Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine, p. 64, nº 168. Furthermore, the fact that the Arabic word for peace treaty muṣālaḥa, مصلحة, was written retrograde on the present seal could indicate, as stated above, that the engraver was not intimately knowledgeable in the Arabic script of his overlords.38A new lead seal of Talavera-probably of the same period as the one here analyzed-evidences a retrograde form of an Arabic word (Gaspariño and Ibrahim, “Importante adición”). In addition, there is another Narbonne seal with a retrograde legend, although in this case, it may have been accidental, resulting from the manufacturing process of the seal (Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquista, nº 64).

All this and the singular use of the Latin letters SP could very well suggest, on the one side, that the seal could be of the very first brief taking of Seville by Mūsā in 93H. On the other hand, it cannot be ruled out that the Visigoth bronzes were still in circulation at the time of the Arab conquest and that is from where the SP legend was probably copied from. The obvious fact that this seal is in relation to a ‘peace pact’ with the specific city should confirm the association between the abbreviation SP in relation to Hispalis as opposed to other, more intricate and difficult to prove opinions not backed by any acceptable evidence.39See notes 17 and 21. Also, needless to say, SP for Hispalis on the seal is to be fully differentiated from the abbreviation SPN standing for a geographic name Spania as it appears on the transitional Latin coinage of Mūsā.40Balaguer, Emisiones transicionales, pp. 125-141, nº 1-37. Evidently a peace treaty, a muṣālaḥa, could be done with an administrative entity, like a city, and not possible with an abstraction as would be a geographic area.

The seal presented is to date a single example, but undoubtedly future finds may open up further insights. In fact, despite being tiny, badly struck, worn out and corroded both, Visigoth copper and Umayyad seals, are a valuable material evidence that may help us rethink the transition from Late Antiquity to the Iberian Medieval Period.

Notes

 
1

For the first paper on the subject, see Ibrahim, “Evidencias de precintosIbrahim, Tawfiq, “Evidencias de precintos y amuletos en al.Andalus”, in II Congreso de Arqueología Medieval Española, Madrid, Comunidad de Madrid, Dirección General de Cultura, 1987, pp. 696-710.”. See “Nuevos documentosIbrahim, Tawfiq, “Nuevos documentos sobre la conquista Omeya de Hispania: los precintos de plomo”, in Enrique Baquedano and Luis A. García Moreno (eds.), 711: Arqueología e historia entre dos mundos, 2011, vol. 1, Alcalá de Henares-Madrid, Museo Arqueológico Regional, Zona Arqueológica, 15, pp. 147-164.”, with previous bibliography. More recently, Sénac and Ibrahim, “Notes sur des sceux de la conquêteSénac, Phillippe and Ibrahim, Tawfiq, “Notes sur des sceux de la conquête omeyyadde (premier moitie du VIIIe siècle)”, in Béatrice Caseau, Alessio Sopracasa and Vivien Prigent (eds.), Mélanges Jean-Claude Cheynet, Paris, Association des Amis du Centre d’Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance, 2017, Travaux et Mémoires 21/1, pp. 645-656.” and Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquistaSénac, Phillippe and Ibrahim, Tawfiq, Los precintos de la conquista omeya de Hispania (711-756), Granada, Universidad de Granada, 2017..

2

Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquistaSénac, Phillippe and Ibrahim, Tawfiq, Los precintos de la conquista omeya de Hispania (711-756), Granada, Universidad de Granada, 2017., nº 1-14, see also Ibrahim, “A new lead sealIbrahim, Tawfiq, “A new lead seal typology from al-Andalus in the name of one Ahmad b. ʿAbd Allah”, Manquso, 11 (2020), pp. 23-24.”.

3

Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquistaSénac, Phillippe and Ibrahim, Tawfiq, Los precintos de la conquista omeya de Hispania (711-756), Granada, Universidad de Granada, 2017., nº 34-41, see also Gaspariño and Ibrahim, “Nuevo ‘precinto de paz’ (muṣālaḥa)Gaspariño García, Sebastián and Ibrahim, Tawfiq, “Nuevo ‘precinto de paz’ de lugar desconocido”, Manquso, 10 (2019), pp. 5-6.”.

4

Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquistaSénac, Phillippe and Ibrahim, Tawfiq, Los precintos de la conquista omeya de Hispania (711-756), Granada, Universidad de Granada, 2017., nº 42-55.

5

Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquistaSénac, Phillippe and Ibrahim, Tawfiq, Los precintos de la conquista omeya de Hispania (711-756), Granada, Universidad de Granada, 2017., nº 87-94. On the problematic term ǧaza (‘licit’) in the seals, see Ibrahim, “Additions to the lead sealsIbrahim, Tawfiq, “Additions to the lead seals of the Umayyad conquest of the Iberian Peninsula”, in Phillippe Sénac and Sébastien Gasc (eds.), Monnaies du haut Moyen Âge. Histoire et archéologie (péninsule Ibérique-Maghreb, VIIe-XIe siècle), Toulouse, Presses universitaires du Midi, 2015, Villa 5, Méridiennes: Études médiévales ibériques, pp. 115-132.”, p. 128 ff.

6

Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquistaSénac, Phillippe and Ibrahim, Tawfiq, Los precintos de la conquista omeya de Hispania (711-756), Granada, Universidad de Granada, 2017., nº 58-73; 74-94; 95-111, respectively.

7

López Pereira, Crónica mozárabe de 754López Pereira, Eduardo (study, ed. and trans.), Continuatio Isidoriana Hispana. Crónica mozárabe de 754, León, Centro de Estudios e Investigación “San Isidoro”, 2009, Fuentes y Estudios de Historia leonesa, 127..

8

The mad in the word muṣālaḥa is not put, which is the usual in the early Kufic script of the lead seals.

9

Crusafont, El sistema monetario visigodoCrusafont, Miquel, El sistema monetario visigodo: cobre y oro, Barcelona, ANE, 1994..

10

Pliego, “The Circulation of Copper CoinsPliego, Ruth, “The Circulation of Copper Coins in the Iberian Peninsula during the Visigothic Period: New Approaches”, The Journal of Archaeological Numismatics, 16 (2015-2016), pp. 125-160.”.

11

See recently Pliego, “Rethinking the minimiPliego, Ruth, “Rethinking the minimi of the Iberian Peninsula and Balearic Islands in Late Antiquity”, Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies, 13 (2020), pp. 125-154, [online], doi: 10.1080/17546559.2020.1764077.”.

12

Regarding the Visigothic copper, at the time of the publication of Crusafont’s work (El sistema monetarioCrusafont, Miquel, El sistema monetario visigodo: cobre y oro, Barcelona, ANE, 1994.) it was limited to Valencian finding of L’Illa de Cullera (see Mateu y Llopis, “Hallazgos Monetarios XVMateu y Llopis, Felipe, “Hallazgos Monetarios XV”, Numario Hispánico, 7, 13 (1958), pp. 281-295.” and “Bronces imperiales y vándalosMateu y Llopis, Felipe, “Bronces imperiales y vándalos en l’Illa de Cullera”, Archivo de Prehistoria Levantina, 13 (1972), pp. 241-256.”). In those articles Mateu y Llopis considered those still unknown peninsular series as minimi Byzantines.

13

Pliego, “Rethinking the minimiPliego, Ruth, “Rethinking the minimi of the Iberian Peninsula and Balearic Islands in Late Antiquity”, Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies, 13 (2020), pp. 125-154, [online], doi: 10.1080/17546559.2020.1764077.”. The most recent ones have been recovered in València la Vella (Riba-Toja de Túria), a settlement relatively close to L’Illa de Cullera, see Pliego and Caldés Aquilué, “Nuevos hallazgosPliego, Ruth and Caldés Aquilué, Óscar, “Nuevos hallazgos de monedas de bronce visigodas de València la Vella, Riba-Roja de Túria, Valencia”, in Actas del XVI Congreso Nacional de Numismática (Barcelona, 2018), Barcelona, Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, 2021, pp. 121-129.”.

14

Even though all the French seals come from Ruscino (see Marichal and Sénac, “RuscinoMarichal, Rémy and Sénac, Philippe, “Ruscino: un établissement musulman du VIIIe siècle”, in Phillippe Sénac (ed.), Villes et campagnes de al-Andalus, VIe-XIe siècles: la transition, Toulouse, Presses universitaires du Midi, 2007, Villa 2, Méridiennes: Études médiévales ibériques, pp. 67-94.”), they were recovered by two archaeologists with the use of a metal detector, directly from the many discarded mounds left over from a near century of previous archaeological digs. On this subject see Ibrahim, “Additions to the lead sealsIbrahim, Tawfiq, “Additions to the lead seals of the Umayyad conquest of the Iberian Peninsula”, in Phillippe Sénac and Sébastien Gasc (eds.), Monnaies du haut Moyen Âge. Histoire et archéologie (péninsule Ibérique-Maghreb, VIIe-XIe siècle), Toulouse, Presses universitaires du Midi, 2015, Villa 5, Méridiennes: Études médiévales ibériques, pp. 115-132.”, p. 115, n. 2.

15

Crusafont, El sistema monetarioCrusafont, Miquel, El sistema monetario visigodo: cobre y oro, Barcelona, ANE, 1994., p. 48. See also Fernández Flores, Pliego and Carvajal, “Nuevos hallazgos de bronces visigodosFernández Flores, Álvaro, Pliego, Ruth and Carvajal, Gabriel, “Nuevos hallazgos de bronces visigodos: una aproximación metrológica y de composición metálica”, The Journal of Archaeological Numismatics, 3 (2013), pp. 285-286.”, pp. 285-286.

16

Several specimens seem show the L linked to the P.

17

Vico, Cores Gomendio and Cores Uría, Corpus Nummorum VisigothorumVico, Jesús, Cores Gomendio, M.ª Cruz and Cores Uría, Gonzalo, Corpus Nummorum Visigothorum, Madrid, edited by the authors, 2006., p. 115.

18

On the byzantine province of Spania see Vallejo Girvés, Bizancio y la España tardoantiguaVallejo Girvés, Margarita, Bizancio y la España tardoantigua. Siglos V-VIII. Un capítulo de historia mediterránea, Alcalá de Henares, Universidad de Alcalá, 1993. and Vizcaíno, La presencia bizantina en HispaniaVizcaíno, Jaime, La presencia bizantina en Hispania, siglos VI-VII. La documentación arqueológica, Murcia, Museo Arqueológico de Murcia, 2009, Antigüedad y Cristianismo. Monógrafías sobre la Antigüedad tardía, 24.. It is generally accepted that the Byzantines minted tremisses in Spania between the mandates of Justinian I (527-565) and Heraclius (610-641) (see Grierson, “Una ceca bizantina en EspañaGrierson, Phillip, “Una ceca bizantina en España”, Numario Hispánico, 4 (1955), pp. 305-314.”, although this is not supported by the findings. This evidence is made up of about thirty pieces preserved in private collections, some of which are somehow related to Spain, see more recently Bartlett, Oddy and Morrisson, “The Byzantine gold coinage of SpaniaBartlett, Peter, Oddy, Andrew and Morrisson, Cécile, “The Byzantine gold coinage of Spania, Justinian I to Heraclius”, Revue numismatique, 6, 167 (2011), pp. 351-401.”.

19

According to Ph. Grierson “Byzantine mint authorities made only occasional efforts to indicate where and when coins were struck”, see Grierson, Byzantine CoinsGrierson, Phillip, Byzantine Coins, London-Berkley-Los Angeles, Methuen & Co Ltd-University of California Press, 1982., p. 20.

20

The uncommon allusions to the name of province are exceptional and limited to province-islands, as the folles issues in Cyprus with mint-mark KVPR-during Heraclius’ reign c. 626-629 (see Hahn, Moneta Imperii Byzantini, henceforth MIB, III, p. 198Hahn, Wolfgang, Moneta Imperii Byzantini, Vienna, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1973-1981.), Sicily-a decanummi issue by Maurice Tiberius (582-602) probably in Syracuse with mint-mark SECILIA allusive to Sicily (MIB, I, pp. 136-137). There are also peculiar folles countermarked with the mark of Sicilia (SCLS) from the reign of Heraclius (610-641) (MIB III, p. 104) and Sardinia (S) (c. 690 to c. 720).

21

Quran, Sūrat al-Nisāʾ, 4,157-158.

22

Walker, Catalogue of the Arab-ByzantineWalker, John, A Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine and Post-Reform Umaiyad Coins. A Catalogue of the Muḥammadan coins in the British Museum, vol. II, London, British Museum, 1956., pp. 30-42. See 64-67.

23

E.g. Walker, Catalogue of the Arab-ByzantineWalker, John, A Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine and Post-Reform Umaiyad Coins. A Catalogue of the Muḥammadan coins in the British Museum, vol. II, London, British Museum, 1956., pp. 76-78.

24

Monogram which appears not only in the Visigoth bronzes, but also in in other objects of the period. See a ring found in Osuna (Seville) with a remarkably similar monogram in Crusafont, El sistema monetarioCrusafont, Miquel, El sistema monetario visigodo: cobre y oro, Barcelona, ANE, 1994., p. 22.

25

Aḫbār MaǧmūʿaAjbar Machmuâ (Colección de tradiciones): Crónica anónima del siglo XI, Madrid, Lafuente, Emilio, Real Academia de la Historia, 1867., p. 16; Ibn ʿIḏārī al-Marrākušī, Al-BayānIbn ʿIḏārī, Ibn al-ʿAbbās, Kitāb al-Bayān al-Muġrib fī aḫbār al-Andalus wa-l-Maġrib li-bn ʿIḏārī al-Marrākušī, Georges Séraphin Colin y Évariste Lévi-Provençal (ed.), Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1948-1951, vol. 2., vol. II, p. 14; Al-Maqqarī, Nafḥal-Maqqarī, Aḥmad b. Muḥammad, Nafḥ al-ṭīb min ġuṣn al-Andalus al-raṭīb, Iḥsān ʿAbbās (ed.), Beirut, Dār Ṣādir, 1988, vol. 1., vol. I, p. 269; Al-Aṯīr, Al-KāmilIbn al-Aṯīr, al-Kāmil fī l-tārīj: Annales du Maghreb & de l’Espagne, Edmond Fagnan (trans. and study), Alger, A. Jourdan, 1901, Revue Africaine., nº 224, p.17; Al-Nuwayrī, Nihāyatal-Nuwayrī, Aḥmad, Nihāyat al-arab fī funūn al-adab: Historia de los musulmanes de España y África, Mariano Gaspar Remiro (trans.), Granada, 1915-1918, Revista del Centro de Estudios Históricos de Granada y su Reino, vol. 5-8., p. 196. References taken from Gaspariño García,Historia de Al-AndalusGaspariño García, Sebastián, Historia de Al-Andalus según las crónicas medievales, vol. III: La Conquista de Al-Andalus, Murcia, Fajardo el Bravo, 2007., III, pp. 77-78.

26

Aḫbār MaǧmūʿaAjbar Machmuâ (Colección de tradiciones): Crónica anónima del siglo XI, Madrid, Lafuente, Emilio, Real Academia de la Historia, 1867., p.18; Ibn ʿIḏārī al-Marrākušī, Al-BayānIbn ʿIḏārī, Ibn al-ʿAbbās, Kitāb al-Bayān al-Muġrib fī aḫbār al-Andalus wa-l-Maġrib li-bn ʿIḏārī al-Marrākušī, Georges Séraphin Colin y Évariste Lévi-Provençal (ed.), Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1948-1951, vol. 2., vol. II, p. 15; Al-Maqqarī, Nafḥal-Maqqarī, Aḥmad b. Muḥammad, Nafḥ al-ṭīb min ġuṣn al-Andalus al-raṭīb, Iḥsān ʿAbbās (ed.), Beirut, Dār Ṣādir, 1988, vol. 1., vol. I, p. 271; Al-Aṯīr, Al-KāmilIbn al-Aṯīr, al-Kāmil fī l-tārīj: Annales du Maghreb & de l’Espagne, Edmond Fagnan (trans. and study), Alger, A. Jourdan, 1901, Revue Africaine., nº 224, p.18; Al-Nuwayrī, Nihāyatal-Nuwayrī, Aḥmad, Nihāyat al-arab fī funūn al-adab: Historia de los musulmanes de España y África, Mariano Gaspar Remiro (trans.), Granada, 1915-1918, Revista del Centro de Estudios Históricos de Granada y su Reino, vol. 5-8., pp. 196-197. See Gaspariño, Historia de Al-AndalusGaspariño García, Sebastián, Historia de Al-Andalus según las crónicas medievales, vol. III: La Conquista de Al-Andalus, Murcia, Fajardo el Bravo, 2007., III, pp. 84-85.

27

Actually Al-Andalus was for most of the near half century of Damascus Umayyad governorship not a separate entity but a sub province of Ifrīqiya and from which most of its governors were named.

28

Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquistaSénac, Phillippe and Ibrahim, Tawfiq, Los precintos de la conquista omeya de Hispania (711-756), Granada, Universidad de Granada, 2017., nº 19-27.

29

On the transitional coinage see Balaguer, Emisiones transicionalesBalaguer, Ana M.ª, Las emisiones transicionales árabe-musulmanes de Hispania, Barcelona, ANE-CSIC, 1976.; in particular, on the epigraphic Latin series, see pp. 67-72. Until a few decades ago, there were hardly any findings of transitional dinars (see e.g. Pliego, “El dinar epigráfico latinoPliego, Ruth, “El dinar epigráfico latino acuñado en al-Andalus. Una reinterpretación a la luz de nuevos hallazgos”, Numisma, 245 (2001), pp. 139-154.”). In recent times these issues have aroused renewed interest. The direct consequence has been the proliferation of forgeries, having been registered not only in auctions of commercial firms in some cases of certain prestige, but what is more worrying, some of these forgeries have reached scientific journals (Ibrahim and Gaspariño García, “Dubious coinsIbrahim, Tawfiq and Gaspariño García, Sebastián, “Dubious coins of the Umayyad conquest of Hispania”, Manquso, 12 (2020), pp. 15-26.”).

30

See Balaguer, Emisiones transicionalesBalaguer, Ana M.ª, Las emisiones transicionales árabe-musulmanes de Hispania, Barcelona, ANE-CSIC, 1976., pp. 69-75. See the recent work of Ariza, “Los dinares bilingüesAriza Armada, Almudena, “Los dinares bilingües de al-Andalus y el Magreb”, Revista Numismática Hécate, 3 (2016), pp. 137-158.”, even though we do not share some of the speculative opinions put forward there.

31

We share the reasonable opinion of Delgado (Estudios de numismática, p. 56Delgado Hernández, Antonio, Estudios de numismática arábigo-hispana: considerada como comprobante histórico de la dominación islámica de la Península, in Alberto Canto García and Tawfiq Ibrahim (eds.), Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, 2001, Estudios del Gabinete de Antigüedades, 7.) on the identification of the star at the centre of the first area of the Latin dinars as an allusion to Iberia-Hesperides. See Ariza, “Los dinares bilingüesAriza Armada, Almudena, “Los dinares bilingües de al-Andalus y el Magreb”, Revista Numismática Hécate, 3 (2016), pp. 137-158.”, for a dissenting opinion.

32

See Ibrahim, “Nuevos documentosIbrahim, Tawfiq, “Nuevos documentos sobre la conquista Omeya de Hispania: los precintos de plomo”, in Enrique Baquedano and Luis A. García Moreno (eds.), 711: Arqueología e historia entre dos mundos, 2011, vol. 1, Alcalá de Henares-Madrid, Museo Arqueológico Regional, Zona Arqueológica, 15, pp. 147-164.”, p. 149, fig. 3.

33

Codera, Tratado de numismáticaCodera y Zaidín, Francisco, Tratado de Numismática Arábigo-Española, Madrid, M. Murillo, 1879., pl. II, 8.

34

Walker, Catalogue of the Arab-ByzantineWalker, John, A Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine and Post-Reform Umaiyad Coins. A Catalogue of the Muḥammadan coins in the British Museum, vol. II, London, British Museum, 1956., nº 944-949. Note that this author gives five die varieties for this coin, an indication of its commonness.

35

Walker, Catalogue of the Arab-ByzantineWalker, John, A Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine and Post-Reform Umaiyad Coins. A Catalogue of the Muḥammadan coins in the British Museum, vol. II, London, British Museum, 1956., nº 950 and B. 60.

36

The previous gold solidus of Mūsā’s governorship of Ifrīqiya was also all done in abbreviated Latin, see Walker, Catalogue of the Arab-ByzantineWalker, John, A Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine and Post-Reform Umaiyad Coins. A Catalogue of the Muḥammadan coins in the British Museum, vol. II, London, British Museum, 1956., pp. 64-73.

37

Walker, Catalogue of the Arab-ByzantineWalker, John, A Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine and Post-Reform Umaiyad Coins. A Catalogue of the Muḥammadan coins in the British Museum, vol. II, London, British Museum, 1956., p. 64, nº 168.

38

A new lead seal of Talavera-probably of the same period as the one here analyzed-evidences a retrograde form of an Arabic word (Gaspariño and Ibrahim, “Importante adiciónGaspariño García, Sebastián and Ibrahim, Tawfiq, “Importante adición a los precintos de la Conquista: Talavera”, Manquso, 14 (2021), pp. 23-28.”). In addition, there is another Narbonne seal with a retrograde legend, although in this case, it may have been accidental, resulting from the manufacturing process of the seal (Sénac and Ibrahim, Los precintos de la conquista, nº 64Sénac, Phillippe and Ibrahim, Tawfiq, Los precintos de la conquista omeya de Hispania (711-756), Granada, Universidad de Granada, 2017.).

39

See notes 17Vico, Cores Gomendio and Cores Uría, Corpus Nummorum Visigothorum, p. 115. and 21Quran, Sūrat al-Nisāʾ, 4,157-158..

40

Balaguer, Emisiones transicionalesBalaguer, Ana M.ª, Las emisiones transicionales árabe-musulmanes de Hispania, Barcelona, ANE-CSIC, 1976., pp. 125-141, nº 1-37.

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